Vandalism against Byzantine Church in Albania.

A Byzantine church of Albania, a municipality across river “Shkumbini” is stolen. There live some thousand of greek old orthodox community, obligated to stop under dictature their orthodox identity from 1967.

The Orthodox Byzantine Church has been stolen from persons not known from Albanian authority even. The Byzantine church important for old period has been restauranted from Archiepiscopal of Albania Anastasios since 1991.

The Orthodox Churches in Albania often has been in center of vandalism particularly last tow years, but still now the Albanian authority has not been penalized they.

The Albanian Press, the Newspaper “SHQIP”, comments about Albanian Islamic ideology, the dangerous visit of President Bush in Albania and the “silence” of Islamic Community in Albania, to declare about four Albanian terrorists in New Jersey.

Are the Albanian Islamic future kamikazes?

Tirana, May 26, 2007.

The Albanian newspaper “Shqip” comments an article about the Islamic community ideology, which is done an important spiritual sect inside the Islamic Community in Albania. The author claims this ideology as very dangerous for future of country seeing with relations with Euro Atlantic Countries. The article tells as for an important element of Islamic ideology, that “vehabs” a sect considerate as very dangerous to support terrorism in future.

The Islamic community-according article has not the authority to control extremists inside their Islamic society and often claim this problem as an obligation of Penal Code of Albanian Constitution. Anyway still now has not any declaration about the terrorist act of 4 Albanians in USA linked with US Base of New Jersey.

Thousands Albanian Islamic from rural zones of Albania particularly from Tirana and north, take 100 euro as honorific gust for Islamic financiers often to families under contrition of the life, indicting the Islamic ideology as the “future kamikaze”. According to Islamic annalist in Washington for “The Center Islamic Pluralism”, Schwartz, the Albanian Islamic phenomena last 10 years, is in accordance with some Asiatic Countryes as Uzmekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaitzan ecct.

“The President Bush is welcome in Albania” sad the General Secretary of Islamic Community in Albania Dorian Demetja. The Islamic community leaders have not any declaration about visit of Bush in Tirana but anyway they sad to “welcome as a great friend of Albanian People”.

In the end of article the author asks: “Are the Albanian Islamic future kamikazes?

Source: Newspaper “SHQIP”

www.gazeta-shqip.com

GOODBYE OMONIA! NDOSHTA PARTIA EPIRIOTE………

Stavri Marko

“Omonia” më në fund pritet të heshtë në veprimtarinë e saj qysh prej fillimeve të pluralizmit në Shqipëri 1991. Organizata e Minoritetit Ethnik Grek në Shqipëri, e konvertuar si shoqatë politike në pamundësi të përfaqësimit në Parti Politike Etnike, do të shndërohet në një forcë tjetër me program dhe ide krejtësisht politike me vision europian të saksionuara në të ardhmen e afërt edhe në Kushtetutën e Shqipërisë.

Në rrugën e shkurtër dhe të vështirë prej 16 vjetësh, anëtarët e saj kanë përballuar tensione dhe burgosje (Gjyqi I të Pestëve), rahje dhe tortura, grabitje votash dhe, për të mos folur gjatë për regjimin komunist të Enver Hoxhës dhe atij në periudhën midis dy Luftërav Botërore ku grekët etnikë vecanërisht krahina e Himarës, ka pësuar vuajtjet më të mëdha si mohim kolektiv i identitetit, burgosje, internime, vrasje politike deri edhe ne dëbime kolektive. E parë si sindromë ballkanike, ku ndaj grupeve etnike si cdo vënd tjetër I rajonit është ushtruar gjenocid, minoriteti grek etnik ne Shqipëri I konsideruar me vlera të mëdha europiane si pjesë e pandashme e trashëgimnisë së vlerave të krishtërimit bizantin dhe atij epiriot, ka edhe anën tjetër të medaljes, atë të mbijetesës duke jetuar me gjithë vuajtjet që u janë shkaktuar krah përkrah me pjesën e shëndoshë të popullit demokrat shqiptar, duke krijuar shpesh edhe në formën e fasadës politike “Ura bashkëpunimi” në shërbim të paqes dhe prespektivës europiane në rajonin e balkanit jug perëndimor.

Me fillimet e pluralismit në Shqipëri, anetarët e Komunitetit Etnik Grek iu ndalua mundësia për të grupuar dhe të themelonin “Partinë e tyre Politike” në një kohë që në të gjithë Ballkanin dhe vecanërisht me shqiptarët në Ish Jugosllavi, përfaqësimet politike zhvilloheshin në Parti dhe jo në shoqata sikundër ndodh ende edhe sot në Shqipëri.

Në se duhet të flasim dicka më hapur, vitet e fundit në Shqipëri janë krijuar gupime politike edhe fetare “në kundërshtim me Kushtetutën” sic janë Partia Demokristiane, “Partia Mëmëdheu” dhe “Partia për Integrim dhe Prosperitet” ndërsa një Parti ku të përfshihet e drejta Politike dhe Civile e Vorio Epiriotëve (Minoriteti Etnik Grek në Shqipëri) nuk ekziston ose më mirë të themi, nuk është lejuar të krijohet. Themi nuk është lejuar pasi shpesh herë zyrtarëve shqiptarë dhe në “heshtje ata grekë”, kanë pretenduar se Minoriteti Etnik Grek përfaqësohet në Partinë Bashkimi për Të Drejtat e Njeriut PBDNJ, duke pranuar hapur madje faktin se në këtë “Parti bëjnë pjesë tri deputetë të Komunitetit Grek” dhe vetëm kaq korespondon edhe numri I tyre në Shqipëri, pra 1.17% e gjithë popullsisë shqiptare, krejt ndryshe sec pretendojnë Organizatat Greke afer gjysme milioni, sipas përllogaritjeve të tyre.

Pamundësia për të legjitimuar në Parti Etnike Greke në Shqipëri, shikohet si sfidë nga Tirana, e cila I trëmbet një formacioni të ri politik të Vorio Epiriotëve, vecanërisht pas vendimit të qeverisë konservatore greke vitin e kaluar për të njojtur Dyshtetësinë e Omogjenëve Vorio Epiriotë. Tashmë, kur zgjedhjet e parakohshme, po trokasin në politikën greke, një numër I madh Vorio Epiriotësh, fillimisht rreth 200 mijë, do të votojnë në Greqi për Parlamentin Grek kohë kjo që mendohet të jetë në vjeshtën e këtij viti. Ky është paradoksi më I fundit në fushën e politikës dhe të drejtës ndërkmbëtare, ku disa qindra qytetarë europianë (Vorio Epiriotë) të cilët kanë fituar të drejta Politike dhe Civile në Greqi së bashku dhe me një numër ende të pacaktuar emigrantësh shqiptarë, të mos kenë ato të drejta në shtetin amë në Shqipëri (Vorio Epir)!!!

Në fakt Tirana politike, “po i reziston pafundësisht” një detyrimi Ndërkombëtar për të Regjistruar Popullsinë ku të përfshihen kriteret e fesë, kombësisë dhe gjuhës në kërkesën e deklaratës individuale të cdo qytetari. Sipas disa burimeve, kërkesa për regjistrim popullsie, mund të dështojë pasi jo vetëm Politika e Tiranës është në kundërshtim të kësaj ideje, por edhe pse ndaj pjesëtarëve të komunitetit grek, ushtrohet një retorikë dhe presion nacionalist I qëllimshëm, vecanërisht nga opinioni mediatik e cila mund të konsiderohet e përafërt me ideopoligjnë dhe propagandën e diktatuës ndaj cdo gjëje të konsideruar me vlera hellene. Standartet diplomatike që luan Tirana në këtë drejtim, janë të paimagjinueshme, nga njëra anë nuk lejon ushtrimin e të Drejtës Ndërkombëtar për komunitetet jo shqiptare, nga ana tjetër I kërkon vëndeve fqinje si rasti I FYROM, që të zgjidhë cdo të drejtë legjitime të shqiptarëve në Maqedoni apo edhe në Serbi!!!

Një dështim I këtij procesi, do të thotë që Brukseli të ngrejë zërin për të drejtat e disa qindra mijëra Voriuo Epiriotëve që I dhunohen të drejtat në Shqipëri duke filluar nga ajo më elementaria, politike. Jo pa qëllim kohët e fundit ështe vërejtur një nismë mediaike e disa pseudo politikanëve shqiptarë për të promovuar një paketë të drejtash ndaj komunitetit grek dhe duke e klasifikuar vetëm në të drejta Institucionale dhe jo Teritoriale si Zonë Minoritare Greke (rasti I retorikës që përdorin për Krahinën e Himarës e cila sipas tyre “banorët janë grekë por toka është shqiptare!!!”) ka në themel një diferencim të drejtash dhe standartesh duke mos diskutuar për Status Autonom ose dicka tjetër, edhe pse një gjë e tillë ka qënë akorduar nëpërmjet Marveshjeve Ndërkombëtare të mëparshme dhe të njohura edhe nga Shteti Shqiptar.

Lidhur me këtë fakt, një nismë e Kryeministrit të Shqipërisë Sali Berisha, ka bërë që të diskutohet gjeresisht si “provokim ndaj komunitetit etnik grek”, një ndryshim Kushtetues në Ligjin Zgjedhor, ku Minoriteti Grek të ketë një numër të caktuar Deputetësh në Parlamentin e Shqipërisë (njësoj si në kohën e diktaturës). Nisma mesa duket është përkrahur edhe nga opozita, e cila nënkupton se politika shqiptare, ende kërkon të bllokojë një process të pandalshëm të së Drejtës Ndërkombëtare Politike dhe Civile të Vorio Epiriotëve në teritorin e tyre që jetojnë në Shqipërinë e Jugut njëkohësisht edhe në Greqi. Tirana edhe pse ka konsideruar se interesi hisrorik I saj është vetëm Integrimi në Bashkimin Europian dhe jo cështje që rjedhin nga doktrina nacionaliste e “Shqipërisë së Natyrale” prapë së prapë po tregon se mbetet e pa vendosur për të kryer detyrimet që rjedhin nga anëtarësimi në BE dhe NATO.

Propozimi bëhet në një kohë që përpjekjet e fundit të komunitetit Ndërkombëtar për Statusin e ardhëshm të Kosovës po I afrohen fundit. Sektorë të Politikës Nacionaliste Shqiptare, po bëjnë cështë e mundur që të klasifikojnë cështjen e Kosovës si të barabartë me atë të Vorio Epirit, pavarësisht metodat mediatike që përdoren, duke dashur të fusin në një konflikt diplomatic Athinën dhe Ëashingtonin qëndrimet e të cilave janë në koherencë të plotë me Aleancën Euroatlantike. Nuk besoj se “dikush duhet të kënaqet dhe dikush të heshtë” se shqiptarët duhet të jenë më të privilegjuarit për të patur të drejta politike dhe civile autonome deri dhe ne krijesën e një Shteti të ri në Ballkan, ndryshe nga hungarezët, kroatët, boshniakët, malazezët, serbët apo grekët në Ballkan. Të drejtat janë universale dhe si e tillë ato janë të aplikueshme në cdo vënd qoftë edhe në Ballkanin problematic Jug Perëndimor në bazë të Kartës Universale të Kombeve të Bashkuara dhe Konventës Europianë Të Të Drejtave Universale të Njeriut. Në se “Nyja Gordiane” Kosova, fiton një Status të Ri e cila konsiderohet si shkëputje nga Serbia, atëherë “Efekti Domino” do të duhet të veprojë tek të gjithë popujt e tjerë të konsideruar të “Shtypur”, pavarësisht pretendimi se shqiptarët janë më të privilegjuarit.

Lidhur me këtë proces, vetëm një javë përpara, hungarezët e Vojvodinës, organizuan zgjedhjet e tyre duke nxjerë liderët që do ta përfaqësojnë në të ardhmen në lidhje me Beogradin dhe një nismë e tillë po organizohet në të gjithë Ballkanin Jug Perëndimor. Kështu në Bosnje, Federata Boshniake pritet të ketë një Status tjetër duke u ndryshuar Kushtetuta dhe duke u organizuar referendumet përkatëse në tri komunitetet, boshniak, serb dhe kroat. Ndërsa në Shqipëri, lajmet vijnë se Federata Pan Epiriote e Amerikës, do të organizojë në mes të muajt Qershor në Boston, Kongresin Vorio Epiriot për të cilën njoftohet se mbështetet edhe nga Departamenti Amerikan I Shtetit. Mendohet që Komiteti Organizator të themelojë me këtë rast edhe Partinë Epiriote e cila do të përfaqësojë në të ardhmen e afërt të gjitha të drejtat politike të Vorio Epiriotëve të cilat do të saksionohen dhe në Kushtetutën Shqiptare në harmoni me faktorin politik shqiptar.

Dhe ………sigurisht, vizita e shumëpritur e Presidentit të Shteteve të Bashkuara të Amerikës George Bush, në Tiranë më 10 Qershor, do të shënojë promovimin amerikan të një këndvështrimi harmonik dhe paqësor të zgjidhjeve të cështjeve të mbetura në Ballkanin Jug Perëndimor, në aspektin integrimit të Rajonit në prespektivën e NATO dhe BE, në respektimin e të drejtave civile politike dhe humane të të gjitha popujve të ballkanit.

Note,

Stavri Marko është Analist Gjeopolitik I atashuar prane Institutit të Kërkimeve dhe Studimeve Europiane dhe Amerikane në Athinë, RIEAS., si dhe perfaqesues i World Security Network per Shqiperine.

George Tenet: "The Man And his Legacy - and a Look at his New Book"
By Antonis Diamataris
Special to The National Herald

George Tenet, the former Director of the CIA, makes no secret of his Greek background. He is so proud of it, in fact, that he refers to his being Greek at least five times in his new best-selling book, “At the Center of the Storm: My Years at the CIA,” which was just released.
To his credit, perhaps no other Greek American who has acquired so much power and responsibility has proclaimed his ethnic heritage to the world as has Mr. Tenet, and perhaps no other Greek American with Mr. Tenet’s level of achievement would mistakenly call the Middle East “the cradle of civilization” instead of ancient Greece.


Sometimes, Mr. Tenet would use his Greek origin as way to make friends – like the time at the house of the “Greek Orthodox Archbishop” in Bethlehem, where he “sat next to Arafat. After dinner I happened to mention that I was Greek Orthodox, and with that news Arafat warmed up even more. Apparently he had some affinity for the Greeks.”
Tenet has an extraordinary amount of appreciation for his family, and he shows it. In his book, he is displaying a great and justifiable sense of reverence and indebtedness towards his parents: “Only in the United States of America the son of immigrants be given such a privilege. I will always be grateful that John and Evangelia Tenet, who left their villages in Greece to give me that chance… Even though I have met scores of presidents, kings, queens, emirs and potentates, the two people I still admire most are my mom and dad.”
Mr. Tenet is proud, even if somehow burdened by his humble beginnings: “Growing up in the New York City borough of Queens, the son of working-class immigrants, I never would have imagined I would find myself in such a position.”
His father “managed to do what so many Greek immigrants did: He opened a diner, the Twentieth Century Diner… When things got tough, my brother Bill would always say, just think about what the old man would do.”
To this writer, as well as to the thousands of Greek Americans who will be reading this book – and they should – we can definitely identify with Yiorgo when he talks about his upbringing and his family. We sense that, deep down, he is one of us.

Yet when he enters one of the most dramatic scene’s in the history of the Greeks in America – one which might well characterize the extraordinary heights the community reached during this period of our history – the day at the United Nations when then Secretary of State Colin Powel made the case for going to war against Saddam Hussein, interestingly enough, he fails to mention the obvious: that on the one side of Mr. Powell sat Mr. Tenet, and on the other sat John Negroponte, another Greek American, then the U.S. Ambassador to the U.N., and now Deputy Secretary of State, the highest-ranking Greek American in the State Department. Surely it could no have escape him the obvious conclusion that the Greeks in the service of the Bush administration provided cover to the less than truthful statements made by Secretary of States. As for Mr. Negroponte, his position demanded that he sit next to his boss when Mr. Powell was speaking, and he bore no responsibility for the accuracy of the intelligence information Mr. Powell presented his speech.

For Mr. Tenet, however, it was an entirely different story – and a pretty unusual one.
Perhaps never before had the sitting Director of the CIA, by his sheer presence in public – at the U.N., no less – personally and institutionally certify the facts presented to the world by a Cabinet member upon which the case was built for going to war against a third-world country.
Realizing the weight of his actions, Tenet unapologetically, and in personal rather than institutional terms, explains how he found himself sitting right behind Mr. Powell at the U.N.:
“Late in the process, Colin asked me to sit behind him at the U.N. That was about the last place I wanted to be… but Powel and his deputy, Rich Armitage, were two of my closest colleagues in the Administration… Walking into the U.N. General Assembly on the morning of February 5, 2003 was a surreal moment for me. I sat next to John Negroponte…”

The problem was that, even though Mr. Powel gave “an extraordinary performance,” as Mr. Tenet describes it, much of the information presented to the U.N. and the world for going to war, information provided by the CIA, was “flawed… No one involved regrets that more than I do.”
And to think that we published that picture at the U.N., with two Greek Americans sitting directly behind the U.S. Secretary of State, on the top of our front page with such pride.
George Tenet, naturally, did not write his book to declare his pride in being Greek. That, to his eternal credit, came as a result of describing who he is.
Mr. Tenet wrote the book in an attempt to set the record straight, or at least to tell his side of the story. He feels wronged by those he trusted, and gave them his best. He feels betrayed. He is a wounded man. So he wrote a book demanding to restore his good name. He declares he is prepared to carry the entire burden, which he knows to be his for both the 9/11 attacks as well as the war in Iraq, on his shoulders. But he does not want to allow the blue-blooded children of non-immigrants to ruin his reputation for things he is argues he was not responsible for.

When it become painfully obvious that his job as the head of the CIA was coming to the end, Mr. Tenet went to the Jersey shore, by himself, to try and make sense of what was happening. From there, he phoned a man he trusted, Andrew Card, the White House Chief of Staff at the time: “Andy, I’m calling to tell you that I’m really angry… We were fairly strident about the fact that we believed Saddam had weapons of mass destruction. But what you guys have gone and done is make me look stupid, and I just want to tell you how furious I am about it. For someone in the Administration to now hang this around my neck is about the most despicable thing I have ever seen in my life.”
What they had hung around his neck was the infamous jock expression, “slam-dunk.”
During a meeting in the Oval Office in December 2002, the celebrated reporter of Watergate era fame, Bob Woodward, reported in his book, “Plan of Attack,” that Mr. Tenet had assured the President the case for Saddam having weapons of mass destruction at his disposal was a “slam-dunk.”

“Many people believe today that my use of the phrase, ‘slam-dunk,’ was the seminal moment for steeling the President’s determination to remove Saddam Hussein, and to launch the Iraq war. It certainly makes for a memorable sound bite, but it is belied by the facts… That decision had already been made,” Mr. tenet writes in chapter 19.
And he makes a convincing presentation of facts to prove that the “slam-dunk” phrase, beyond its “marketing” value to the Administration, played no role in Mr. Bush’s decision to launch the war.
Mr. Tenet makes it very clear that he wrote the book to refute those two words, in fact: “I was asked during that December 2002 meeting if we didn’t have better information to add to the debate, and I said I was sure we did… If I had simply said ‘I am sure we can do better,’ I would not be writing this chapter – or maybe even this book šnstead, I told them ‘slam dunk,’ a phrase that was later taken completely out of context and has haunted me ever since it first appeared in Bob Woodward’s book.”

A natural question to ask is, who leaked that phrase to the reporter? If Mr. Tenet knows, he doesn’t say. Judging by the jabs he takes at Vice President Cheney or then National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice, one is left with the distinct impression that they are his top suspects. But who can tell for certain? The only definitely conclusion Mr. Tenet draws is that “there are no private conversations, even in the Oval Office.”

Still, George Tenet is the ultimate stand-up guy who, no matter how much he is hurting, he protects his boss, the President of the United States: “In a way, President Bush and I are a lot alike. We sometimes say things from the gut, whether it’s his ‘bring ’em on’ or my ‘slam-dunk.’ I think he gets that about me, just as I get that about him. What’s more, I think each of us regularly factored that into his understanding of what the other was saying.”
And to make certain that this point was not missed by anyone, particularly by the President, Mr. Tenet writes on page 480, “I like the President, plain and simple. We had were bound together after 9/11 by a national trauma and a common purpose.”
But there is another reason, a very personal and powerful one, why Mr. Tenet likes Mr. Bush: Because of the loving, caring manner the President demonstrated towards the former CIA Director’s beloved son, John Michael.

When Mr. Tenet told his son about his decision to resign from his post, he said, “He was the main reason I was stepping down. I had missed too many good times with him.”
Upon hearing it, his son “expressed the fear that the President would be mad at him for causing my departure.” Mr. Tenet told the President that story, and Mr. Bush called John Michael from Air Force One “to assure him that he was not mad at him… That wasn’t the first time George Bush had gone the extra mile for my son… Back in February 2004… I had told the President that John Michael was having an especially rough time watching me get pummeled, and the President invited him down to the White House for a chat. John Michael never told us about the conversation, but he came home feeling a lot better about life.”

To a Greek father like George Tenet, the value of what President Bush did, and the gratitude he earned by taking the time to attend to his son’s issues, should not be underestimated.
Perhaps the most important chapter of the book is the last one, the one with the unfortunate title, “Afterthought.” It should be called the “Tenet’s Tenets.”
He points out that there are limits to power, even for the world’s only superpower, “there are some mountains too high for it to climb,” and that “military might alone can not solve the endemic political and social problems of other nations.”

As to how the war in Iraq is going , he gives one of the most pessimistic appraisals, so far: “,My fear is that sectarian violence in Iraq has taken on a life of its own and that U.S forces are becoming more and more irrelevant to the management of that violence.”
But where his assessment is downright scary is when he cites the possibility of a terrorist nuclear attack: “Terrorism is the stuff of everyday nightmares. But the added specter of a nuclear-capable terrorist group is something that, more than anything else, causes me sleepless nights.”
Intelligence has established, beyond any reasonable doubt that al Quaeda’s intent is to do precisely that, he adds. “There is an abundance of nuclear material in the world, some of which may already be within reach of terrorist groups.” Not a particularly reassuring thought.
Finally, after all is said and done, how is history going to remember George Tenet, the first Greek American Director of the CIA?

In his book, “State of War,” New York Times Reporter James Risen writes, “No other institution failed in its mission as completely during the Bush years as did the CIA.”
This might very well be an exaggeration. But the fact remains that, personal considerations aside, under George Tenet’s watch, the CIA failed to foil the attack on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and failed to fully understand Saddam’s bluff, thus believing that the Iraqi dictator possessed WMD. And this assumption – “I believed he had WMD, and said so,” Mr. Tenet writes – provided the pretext for going to war in Iraq.

George Tenet, a personable, energetic man who reached the highest echelons of power and responsibility, obviously tried to serve the country the best he could, and that should be recognized. But judging from the facts, his best simply, and unfortunately, was not good enough. And that will continue to follow him, as it will follow our community, however unspoken the stigma might be.

Nicholas Gage on Greek American Press.

The interviste of Nicholas Gage the President of Pan Epiriotic Federeation of the World to Greek Newspaper of New York. During his interview, he claims the goals of Greek Minority and the “Northern Epirus Question” seeing particularly from the developments in Balkan Region, the NATO perspective of Albania and the visit of President of USA George Bush in Albania. In some his declaration is clear the role of Archipeschop Anastasios, as his efforts to held Hellenism inside Greek Community, the counting population process and the number of greek population in Albania according hem there are 300 thousand Greeks that live in Albania, the vllah community as orthodox between greeks and tosk Albanian, the reunion of North Epirus and South as historically process and the visit of Bush in Tirana, in occasion to declare the rights of ethnic greeks who live in Northern Epirus.

Θεοδώρου Καλμούκου ΒΟΣΤΩΝΗ.
«Εθνικό Κήρυκα»
Από τις 13 μέχρι τις 17 του Ιουνίου συγκαλείται στην πόλη Γούστερ της Μασαχουσέτης το 35ο συνέδριο της Πανηπειρωτικής Ομοσπονδίας, όπως γράψαμε λεπτομερώς στην έκδοσή μας της Τρίτης 22 Μαΐου. Από την Ηπειρο κατάγονται άνδρες επιφανείς και επιτυχημένοι σε κάθε τομέα και ειδικότητα, οι οποίοι από το δικό τους χώρο και μετερίζι δεν φείδονται κόπων και μόχθων, προκειμένου να συμβάλλουν στην παντοειδή της ανάπτυξη και προαγωγή.
Για το ζήτημα της Βορείου Ηπείρου και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα του Βορειοηπειρωτικού Ελληνισμού, έχουν γραφεί τόσα πολλά άρθρα και σε τόσες πολλές και σημαντικές εφημερίδες των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, όσο κανένα άλλο πουαφορά τον Ελληνισμό, του Κυπριακού συμπεριλαμβανομένου. Ο άνθρωπος που έχει πρόσβαση στον παντοδύναμο Τύπο της Αμερικής, δεν είναι άλλος από τον γνωστό δημοσιογράφο και συγγραφέα κ. Νίκο Γκατζογιάννη ή Γκέιτζ, ο οποίος είναι βλάστημα και γόνος της Ηπείρου.
Με αφορμή τη σύγκληση του συνεδρίου στο Γούστερ, ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης μίλησε στον «Εθνικό Κήρυκα» για πολλά θέματα, αρχίζοντας από τους στόχους του επικείμενου συνεδρίου πως ανάμεσά τους είναι «η ενδυνάμωση και η διεθνοποίηση της Οργάνωσης» και εξήγησε πως «τώρα δεν έχουμε οργανωθεί (οι Ηπειρώτες) μόνο εντός των Ηνωμένων Πολιτειών, αλλά από πέρυσι έχουμε οργανωθεί και ως μία διεθνής ομάδα».
Σχετικά με τους στόχους της Πανηπειρωτικής, τόνισε ότι «βασικά είναι δύο, η προαγωγή και η ανάπτυξη της Ηπείρου και η προστασία των βασικών ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων της Ελληνικής Κοινότητας
Ο Νίκολας Γκέιτζ μιλά για Ηπειρο και Πανηπειρωτικήστη Βόρειο Ηπειρο».Η πόλη του Γούστερ της Μασαχουσέτης, είναι από τις πόλεις εκείνες οι οποίες δέχθηκαν με ανοικτή την καρδιά και την αγκαλιά τους πολλούς μετανάστες από αμφότερες της περιοχές της Ηπείρου, εκείνη που ανήκει στην Ελλάδα και εκείνη η οποία κατ' απόφαση των Ευρωπαϊκών Δυνάμεων προσαρτίστηκε το 1913 ετσιθελικά στην Αλβανία. Ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης υπογράμμισε πως «επιστρέφουμε στο Γούστερ, διότι ήταν εδώ που ιδρύθηκε η Πανηπειρωτική πριν από 65 χρόνια και σήμερα βλέπουμε μία αναγέννηση του Οργανισμού». «Για παράδειγμα -πρόσθεσε- σας λέγω ότι το πρόγραμμα το βράδυ του επίσημου δείπνου, θα το παρουσιάσουν δύο νέες κοπέλες, η τηλεοπτική παρουσιάστρια από την πόλη Ολμπανι της Νέας Υόρκης Δήμητρα Γκανιά και η κόρη μου, η δημοσιογράφος και συγγραφέας Ελένη Γκέιτζ».
Στην ερώτηση πώς είναι η κατάσταση στην Αλβανία σήμερα αναφορικά με τον Βορειοηπειρωτικό Ελληνισμό, ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης τόνισε ότι«λόγω της εργασίας που έχει κάνει η Πανηπειρωτική, έχει απαλειφθεί εν πολλοίς ο φόβος που υπήρχε, διότι οι Αλβανοί ηγέτες έχουν καταλάβει πως εάν κακομεταχειριστούν την ελληνική μειονότητα, αυτό θα έχει αρνητικές επιπτώσεις, οπότε είναι πολύ προσεκτικοί στη συμπεριφορά τους.
Υπάρχουν ηγετικοί παράγοντες από την ελληνική μειονότητα, οι οποίοισυμμετέχουν στις κυβερνήσεις της Αλβανίας κατά τα περασμένα αρκετά χρόνια. Είχαμε μέλος της αλβανικής κυβέρνησης, τον υπουργό Εργασίας Κώστα Μπάρκα, είχαμε νομάρχη, και αναπληρωτή υπουργό».
Ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης τόνισε πως «είχαμε επιτυχία στο να κάνουμε την αμερικανική πολιτική έναντι της Αλβανίας να προσαρμόζεται από το ποια ήταν η συμπεριφορά της Αλβανίας στην ελληνική μειονότητα, όπως λόγου χάρη με το άνοιγμα σχολείων».
Και πρόσθεσε: «Ανοιξε ένα σχολείο στη Χειμάρρα πέρυσι, το οποίο δεν υπήρχε επί εβδομήντα χρόνια». Στην ερώτηση σε πόσες χιλιάδες ανέρχεται ο Βορειοηπειρωτικός Ελληνισμός, ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης είπε: «Ενα πράγμα το οποίο ζητούμε συνέχεια να γίνει είναι μία καταμέτρηση. Οι Αλβανοί δίνουν μικρούς υπολογισμούς και οι ηγέτες των Βορειοηπειωτών μιλούν για ισχυρούς αριθμούς και υπολογισμούς, δεν γνωρίζουμε ακριβώς». Τόνισε δε, πως «το γεγονός ότι η ηγεσία της Αλβανίας φοβάται να προβεί σε καταμέτρηση αποδεικνύει ότι οι αριθμοί είναι υψηλοί».
Ερωτηθείς ποιος κατά τη γνώμη ας είναι ένας ρεαλιστικός αριθμός, απάντησε: «Κατ' εμένα νομίζω πως κυμαίνονται μεταξύ 250 και 300 χιλιάδες. Είναι πολύ καλός αριθμός κι αν προστεθούν και οι Βλάχοι οι οποίοι προσδιορίζουν τους εαυτούς τους ως Ελληνες και πολλοί εξ' αυτών ομιλούν Ελληνικά, τότε ο αριθμός είναι διπλάσιος κι ίσως μεγαλύτερος». Στην επισήμανση του «Ε.Κ.» ότι ο πρόεδρος Μπους θα επισκεφθεί την Αλβανία το πρώτο δεκαήμερο του Ιουνίου, ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης τόνισε: «Ναι, θα σταματήσει στην Αλβανία ως μέρος του ταξιδιού του, το οποίο συμπεριλαμβάνει Βαλκανικές χώρες οι οποίες αναμένεται να εισέλθουν στο ΝΑΤΟ. Οι κυβερνήσεις Κλίντον και Μπους έχουν διευκρινίσει στην αλβανική κυβέρνηση πως παρακολου-θούν από πολύ κοντά τη συμπεριφορά της έναντι της ελληνικής μειονότητας». Υπογράμμισε, πως «ο λόγος που οι αμερικανικές κυβερνήσεις επιδεικνύουν ευαισθησία στη συμπεριφορά τους έναντι των μειονοτήτων, είναι επειδή η Πανηπειρωτική Ομοσπονδία συντέλεσε σ' αυτό», ενώ συμπλήρωσε πως «η Πανηπειρωτική έχει κάνει στην Ουάσιγκτον μία θαυμάσια εργασία υποστήριξης της ελληνικής μειονότητας». Επίσης, είπε ότι «η παρουσία του Μιχάλη Δουκάκη στο συνέδριο ως κεντρικού ομιλητή είναι άλλο ένα δείγμα της σπουδαίας απήχησης που έχει η Οργάνωση».
Οσον αφορά τη σχέση Βορειοηπειρωτικού Ελληνισμού και Εκκλη-
σίας και εάν επιτρέπεται η χρήση της ελληνικής γλώσσας στη Λειτουργία και στη λατρεία γενικά ή μήπως ο Αρχιεπίσκοπος Αναστάσιος επιβάλλει ακόμα και σε καθαρώς ελληνόφωνες περιοχές τη χρήση της Αλβανικής, όπως ισχυρίζονται μερικοί, δήλωσε: «Γίνεται κάτι παρόμοιο που κάνουμε κι εμείς εδώ, δηλαδή, όπου η κοινότητα είναι ελληνόφωνη χρησιμοποιείται η ελληνική γλώσσα, όπως λόγου χάρη στους Αγίους Σαράντα. Οπου η κοινότητα είναι Ορθόδοξοι Χριστιανοί και δεν ομιλούν Ελληνικά, τότε χρησιμοποιείται η αλβανική γλώσσα, κι όταν η κοινότητα είναι μεικτή τότε χρησιμοποιούνται και οι δύο γλώσσες Ελληνική και Αλβανική».
Σε άλλη ερώτηση ότι θα θέλαμε να διευκρινίσουμε πως ο Αναστάσιος δεν επιβάλλει τη χρήση της αλβανικής γλώσσας σε αμιγώς ελληνικές κοινότητες και ενορίες, ο κ. Γκατζογιάννης, είπε ότι «υπάρχουν μερικοί άνθρωποι οι οποίοι δεν γνωρίζουν τις δυσκολίες και τα τεράστια επιτεύγματα του Αναστασίου στην αναγέννηση της Εκκλησίας εκεί και μάλιστα κάτω από πολύ δύσκολες συνθήκες και επιδίδονται σε δηλώσεις εκ του μακρόθεν» και πρόσθεσε ότι «κι αντους ρωτήσει κάποιος πόσοι Βορειοηπειρώτες θέλουν να γίνουν ιερείς, δεν
υπάρχουν πάρα πολλοί, ωστόσο θέλουν την ελληνική γλώσσα». Στην ερώτηση «πώς αισθάνεστεπου είστε Ηπειρώτης», είπε: «Κατ' αυτόν τον τρόπον ορίζω τον εαυτό μουως άνθρωπος, είμαι Αμερικανός πολίτης, Ελληνας την καταγωγή από την περιοχή της Ηπείρου. Εχουμε μία πολύ ισχυρή πολιτιστική παράδοση καιμία μακρά ιστορία κι έχουμε πάει πολύ καλά στην Αμερική».__

GOODBYE "OMONIA"! Η το Ηπειρωτικό Κόμμα ….……

Σταυρος Μαρκος

Η Ομόνοια επιτέλους αναμένετε να σταματήσει την δραστηριότητα της που άρχιζε μαζί με τον πλουραλισμό στην Αλβανία το 1991. Η οργάνωση της ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Αλβανία που μετονομάσθηκε ως « πολιτικό σύλλογο» θα μετατραπεί σε μια καινούρια πολιτική δύναμη με πρόγραμμα και εντελώς πολιτικές ιδέε,ς με ευρωπαϊκό όραμα που θα επικυρώνονται στο άμεσος μέλλον από το αλβανικό σύνταγμα.

Στο σύντομο και δύσκολο δρόμο των 16 χρόνων, τα μέλη της έχουν αντιμετωπίσει εντάσεις και φυλακίσεις (το δικαστήριο των πέντε), ξυλοδαρμό, νοθείες στις εκλογές για να μια αναφέρουμε την εποχή του κομουνιστικού καθεστώς του Ε. Χότζα και στην περίοδο μεταξύ δυο πανκοσμίων πολέμων ο που οι έλληνες και κυρίως στην Αλβανία έχουν υποστεί την συλλογική άρνηση της ταυτότητας, φυλακίσεις, εκτοπίσεις, πολιτικούς σκοτωμούς μέχρι και συλλογικές εκτοπίσεις.

Επιθεωρώντας το βαλκανικό σύνδρομο ο που οι εθνικές μειονότητες έχουν υποστεί γενοκτονία σε κάθε χώρα, η ελληνική μειονότητα στην Αλβανία με τις μεγάλες ευρωπαϊκές άξιες ως αδιαχώρητη κομμάτι άξιων της κληρονομιάς της Ηπείρου και του βυζαντινού ορθόδοξου έχει και την άλλη όψη, αυτή της επιβίωσης μαζί με τον αλβανικό λαό και την πολιτική χρήση της εικονικής πραγματικότητας ως «γέφυρα συνεργασία» για την ειρήνη και ευρωπαϊκής προοπτικής στα νοτιοδυτικά Βαλκάνια.

Μετα την κατάρρευσης του καθεστώς και αρχής του πλουραλισμού στη Αλβανία (1991), απαγορευτικέ ο σχηματισμός πολιτικής παράταξης για την ελληνική μειονότητα, τη στιγμή που σε όλα τα Βαλκάνια και ιδιαίτερα για τους Αλβανούς στην πριν Γιουγκοσλαβία η πολιτική εκπροσώπηση ήταν σε επίπεδο πολιτικού κόμματος και όχι συλλόγου που έγινε στην Αλβανία.

Αν θέλουμε να μιλήσουμε ανοιχτά, τα τελευταία στην Αλβανία έχουν ιδρυθεί πολτικα θρησκεύτηκα κόμματα όπως το δεμοχριστιανικό κόμμα- Partia Demokristiane, το κόμμα “Partia Mëmëdheu” και το κόμμα για ενσωμάτωση και ευημερία» -“Partia për Integrim dhe Prosperitet”. Ενώ ένα κόμμα που να εκφράζει τα πολτικα και αστικά δικαιώματα των βορειοηπειρωτών δεν υπάρχει η καλύτερα να λέμε ότι απαγορευτικέ. Λέμε ότι απαγορευτικέ επειδή πολλές φορές οι αλβανικές αρχές και μερικές φορές και σιωπηλά οι ελληνικές, ισχυρίζονται ότι η εθνική ελληνική μειονότητα εκπροσωπείτε από το ΚΕΑΔ (Partinë Bashkimi për Të Drejtat e Njeriut PBDNJ), εν το μεταξύ επισημαίνοντας το γεγονός ότι σε αυτό το κόμμα συμμετέχουν και τρεις βουλευτές της ελληνικής κοινότητας άρα «όσο αναλογεί στον αριθμό των βορειοηπειρωτών , δηλαδή 1.17% του αλβανικού πληθυσμού, αντίθετα με όσο ισχυρίζονται οι ελληνικοί σύλλογοι που εκτιμούν την ελληνική κοινότητα στην Αλβανία περίπου μισό εκατομμύριο.

Η αδυναμία της νομιμοποίησης ενός ελληνικού εθνικού κόμματος στην Αλβανία είναι μια πρόκληση από τα Τίρανα που φοβάται από μια καινούρια πολίτικη παράταξη των βορειοηπειρωτών, κυρίως μετά την απόφαση της συντηρητικής κυβέρνησης της Ελλάδας για να αναγνωρίζει την διπλή υπηκοότητα των ομογενών από την Βόρειο Ήπειρο. Τώρα στα πρόθυρα των καινούριων βουλευτικών εκλογών που αναμένετε να γίνουν το Σεπτέμβριο, υπολογίζεται ότι θα πάρουν μέρος κι θα ψηφήσουν περίπου 200.000 Βορειοηπειρώτες για την ελληνική Βουλή.

Αυτό το γεγονός αποτελεί το πιο πρόσφατο παράδοξο στην πολιτική και στο διεθνές δίκαιο ο που μερικοί εκατοντάδες ευρωπαίοι πολίτες (Βορειοηπειρώτες) έχουν αποκτήσει πολίτικα και αστικά δικαιώματα στην Ελλάδα μαζί με ένα άγνωστο αριθμό αλβανών μεταναστών, και να στερούνται αυτά τα δικαιώματα στο δικό τους κράτος στην Αλβανία (Βόρειο Ήπειρο)

Στην πραγματικότητα η πολιτικοί των Τιράνων «αντιστέκονται απειροστά» στην διεθνή υποχρέωση για την καταγραφή του πληθυσμού ο που η προσωπική δήλωση του κάθε πολίτη να περιλαμβάνει την θρησκεία, εθνικότητα και γλώσσα. Σύμφωνα με κάποιες εκτιμήσεις, η καταγραφή του πληθυσμού μπορεί να αποτύχει όχι μονό επειδή η πολιτική των Τιράνων είναι κατά της απογραφής, άρα και επειδή στην ελληνική μειονότητα ασκείται εθνική προγραμματισμένη πίεση, κύριος από τα μέσα μαζικής ενημέρωσης που μπορεί να προσεγγίζεται με την ιδεολογία και προπαγάνδα της διδακτορίας που στρέφετε κατά οτιδήποτε ελληνικού στοιχείου.

Οι διπλωματικοί πρότυποι των Τιράνων σε αυτί την κατεύθυνση είναι απίστευτοι, από μια μεριά δεν επιτρέπει την άσκηση του διεθνές δικαίου για τις μι-αλβανικές κοινότητες και από την άλλη μεριά ζητά όλα τα δικαιώματα για τους ομοεθνούς τους στις γειτονικές χώρες, στο FYROM και Σερβία!!!.

Μια αποτυχία της καταγραφής θα έχει ως αποτέλεσμα οι Βρυξέλλες θα σηκώνουν την φωνή για τα δικαιώματα μερικών χιλιάδων βορειοηπειρωτών που η Αλβανία αρνείται να αναγνωρίσει και τα βασικά πολτικα δικαιώματα. Σκόπιμος έχει αρχίζει τελευταία μια πρωτοβουλία από κάποιο κανάλι και μερικών Αλβανών ψευδό-πολιτικών για την προώθηση ενός πακέτου δικαιωμάτων στην ελληνική κοινότητα που κατατάσσονται στα θεσμικά δικαιώματα και όχι στα εδαφικά της περιοχής της ελληνικής μειονότητας (αναφέρουμε το τελευταίο γεγονός της ρητορικής σχετικά με την Χείμαρρα που αναγνωρίζουν ότι «οι κάτοικοι είναι έλληνες, η γη ωμός είναι αλβανική»). Αυτή η τακτική βασίζεται σε μια διαφοροποίηση πρότυπων και δικαιωμάτων που απομακρύνει το καθεστώς της αυτονομίας, αν και υπήρχαν προηγούμενες Διεθνές Συμβάσεις και μάλιστα αναγνωρισμένα και από το αλβανικό κράτος

Εκεί σημανθεί και μια πρωτοβουλία του πρωθυπουργού Σαλι Μπερισα για να καθιέρωση στο σύνταγμα ένα σταθερό αριθμό βουλευτών της ελληνικής μειονότητας (όπως στην εποχή της διδακτορίας) που έχει προκαλέσει την ευρύ αντίδραση και θεωρείται ως «προβοκάτσια προς την ελληνική μειονότητας» . Αυτή η πρωτοβουλία έχει την υποστηρίξει και της αντιπολίτευσης που υπονοεί ότι η αλβανική πολιτική θέλει να μπλοκάρει μια φυσιολογική διαδικασία του Διεθνές Δίκαιου των βορειοηπειρωτών που ζουν στα εδάφη τους στην Νότια Αλβανία και προσωρινά στην Ελλάδα. Αν και τα Τίρανα θεωρούν ότι το ιστορικό συμφέρον τους είναι μόνο η ενσωμάτωση στην Ευρωπαϊκοί κοινότητα και όχι υποθέσεις που απορρέουν από τον εθνικό δόγμα της «Φυσικής Αλβανίας» , πάλι δείχνουν αναποφάσιστοι για να εφαρμόζουν τις υποχρεώσεις που επιβάλει η ενσωματώσει στην ΕΕ και Νάτο.

Η πρόταση γίνετε σε μία στιγμή που οι προσπάθειες της Διεθνής Κοινότητας για το μελλοντικό καθεστώς στο Κοσοβο πλησιάζουν προς το τέλος. Τμήματα της εθνικιστικής αλβανικής πολιτικής κάνουν το παν για να κατατάξουν την υπόθεση του κοσοβο ως ισοδύναμη με αυτή της Βόρειο Ηπείρου, τείνοντας να βάλουν την Αθηνά σε αντιπαράθεση με το ΗΠΑ, αν και οι δυο ταυτίζονται με της στάση της Εεύρο-ατλαντικής συμμαχίας. Δε νομίζω ότι «κάποιος πρέπει να ευχαριστιέται και κάποιοι να σωπάσουν», ότι οι Αλβανοί είναι οι προνομιούχοι για να αποκτούν αστικά και πολιτικά δικαιώματα μέχρι και να σχηματίζουν ένα καινούριο βαλκανικού κράτος, διαφορετικά από τους Ούγγρους, κροάτες , βοσνιακούς, μαυροβούνιους , σέρβους και έλληνες.

Τα δικαιώματα είναι οικουμενικά και ως τέτοιες, βασίζοντας στην Κάρτα των Ενωμένων Εθνών και της Ευρωπαϊκής Σύμβαση για τα Ανθρώπινα Δικαιώματα, αυτά είναι εφαρμοσμένες σε κάθε χώρα έστω και στα προβληματικά Νότια Βαλκάνια. Αν το «γόρδιος δεσμό», το Κοσοβο, απόκοτα μια καινούρια καθεστώς, που θα είναι η ανεξαρτησία από την Σερβία, τότε η «επίδραση ντόμινο» θα μεταδίδετε σε όλους τους «πιεσμένους» λαούς, ανεξάρτητα αν είναι η όχι οι Αλβανοί οι προνομιούχοι.

Στενά με αυτή τη διαδικασία , οι Ούγγροι της Βοϊβοντίνας έκαναν τις εκλογές πριν μια εβδομάδα αναδείχνοντας τους αρχηγούς που θα τους εκπροσωπήσουν στο άμεσο μέλλον στις διαπραγματεύσεις με την Βελεγραδη. Τέτοιες πρωτοβουλίες εξελίσσονται σε όλα τα Νοτιά Δυτικά Βαλκάνια. Εστί στην Βοσνία αναμένετε ένα άλλο καθεστώς της Ομοσπονδίας που θα επιβάλει αλλαγές στο σύνταγμα και θα γίνει δυνατόν η εκδήλωση δημοψηφίσματος στις τρεις κοινότητες, βοσνιακό, σέρβικο και κροατικό.

Ενώ οι είδησης που έρχονται στην Αλβανία κάνουν λόγο ότι η Παν –Ηπειρωτική Ομοσπονδία στην Αμερική θα κάνει στο Ιούλιο, στο Boston, τον Βορειοηπειρωτικό Συνέδριο που θα έχει την υποστήριξη και του State Department. Αναμένετε ότι η οργανωτική επιτροπή να ίδρυση με αυτί την ευκαιρία το Ηπειρωτικό Κόμμα που θα εκπροσωπήσει (υποστηρίξει) στο μέλλων όλα πολιτικά δικαιώματα των βορειοηπειρωτών που αναμένετε να καθιερωθούν και στο Αλβανικό Σύνταγμα σε συμφωνία και με την αλβανικό πολιτικό παράγων.
Και … ασφαλώς, η πολύ-δεχούμενη επίσκεψη του προέδρου των ΗΠΑ, George Bush, στα Τίρανα στις 10 Ιουλίου θα σημαίνει τον εύρο-αμερικανικό προβιβασμό μιας καινούριας οπτικής και αρμονικής γωνιάς και ταυτόχρονα ειρηνικής για την επίλυση των υποθέσεων που έχουν απομείνει στα Βαλκάνια, για την ενσωμάτωση της περιοχής στην ΕΕ και ΝΑΤΟ, για το σεβασμό αστικών και πολιτικών ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων για όλους τους λαούς των Βαλκανίων.

Σταύρος Μάρκος, Γεωπολιτικός Αναλυτής που συνεργάζεται με το
Research Institute on European & American Studies (RIEAS).

WSN SOUTHEAST EUROPE OFFICE

WORLD SECURITY NETWORK FOUNDATION OFFICE IN ATHENS AND SOUTHEAST EUROPE

The World Security Network Foundation has recently opened its Office in Athens, covering the South Eastern European Region. The Office will be based along the RIEAS Institute and the Office Coordinator will be Ioannis Michaletos; Balkan Analyst for RIEAS & South Eastern European Editor for WSN Foundation.

The main tasks of the WSN-Athens & SEE Office will be:
- Provide networking capabilities for researchers, analysts, journalists, NGO members, social sciences students; amongst them and along the greater WSN Foundation.
-Provide access to publication through the World Security Network Foundation, the RIEAS Institute and all the other collaborating publications in the SEE Region.
-Provide information on conferences for SE Europe thematic.
-Create the necessary framework in order to perform international conferences, seminars and media commendatory on regional affairs.

Information on World Security Network Foundation:

Aims-strategy-goals:

“Networking a Safer World” with the vision of implementing the goals of the UN Charter—mutual respect and tolerance, human rights, economic growth; To rouse people out of their apathy, to raise awareness of trouble spots before war breaks out, to outline proposed solutions and to draw media attention to security issues at an early stage; To network the strategic community focusing on the new young global elite in foreign and defense affairs specialists; Convey new, creative ideas and policy recommendations to decision-makers at the lightning speed of the internet

A new kind of global foreign affairs action network in the age of globalization using the internet and local Task Force meetings; 46 respected experts from 14 countries—the USA, Germany, Russia, the UK, Turkey, France, Switzerland, Estonia, Kosovo, Hungary, Italy, Lebanon, Pakistan and Greece—including eleven generals and admirals.

World Security Network Foundation Global Reach

Fifty (50) senior and mostly young editors with 25 nationalities report from New York, Washington D.C., Tokyo, Paris, Vienna, Cambridge (UK), Rome, Moscow, Singapore, Beirut, New Delhi, Germany, Greece, Belgium, Bulgaria, Turkey, China, Pakistan, Nepal and Peru led by WSN Global-Editor-in-Chief BrigGen (Ret.) Dieter Farwick, former Director of Germany's "Federal Armed Forces Intelligence Office" and close aid to former German Defense Minister and later NATO Secretary General Manfred Woerner.

Global impact of the World Security Network Foundation

Three million hits per month on www.worldsecuritynetwork.com, 303,000 members of the international information elite -including more than 123,000 members of foreign affairs networks, 66,000 business executives and lawyers, 41,000 professors and students of elite universities, 34,000 journalists, 19,000 foreign and defense specialists, 6,000 religious leaders and more than 3,000 members and staff of parliaments - receive WSN weekly electronic newsletter. This makes it the largest of its kind worldwide.

WSN TV provides video streams with exclusive statements from leading global experts on hot topics in foreign and defense affairs. As well WSN TV, focusing on the young, new elite of the world with its WSN Academy, provides an internet-based learning platform distributing the wisdom of senior experts and mentors in basic questions of foreign policy, transferring their decades of know-how to the next generation.
Over 115 media partners (including CNN, UPI and Newsweek) and 60 institutes (including RAND and IISS) cooperate with WSN and make use of our analysis and proposals

World Security Network Foundation.
Athens & South Eastern Europe Office

Office Coordinator
Ioannis Michaletos
South Eastern Europe Editor-WSN-
Kalavriton 1 Str.
Alimos, 17456, Athens
Attiki, Greece
E-mail: ioannis@worldsecuritynetwork.comThis email address is being protected from spam bots, you need Javascript enabled to view it
Tel & Fax: +30 210 9911214

MEMBERS OF THE WORLD SECURITY NETWORK FOUNDATION:

Athens

John M. Nomikos (Balkan Intelligence studies, Greek security studies and Transatlantic (USA-EU) Intelligence studies.

Director at the Research Institute for European and American Studies and lecturer at the University of Indianapolis (Athens Campus). Member of the international Advisor Board of the World Security Network Foundation, Member of the Editorial Advisory Board for the Journal of Intelligence, Propaganda and Security Studies at the Austrian Center for Intelligence Propaganda and Security Studies, and Director of the working group "Greek Scholars for Intelligence Education."

Belgrade

Mr. Darko Trifunovic (Balkan security, international terrorism, Serbian politics) Lawyer & Lecturer -Security University Belgrade. Mr. Darko Trifunovic is a lawyer based in Belgrade, Serbia and Montenegro and working as lecturer at the Faculty of Security University of Belgrade. He is a specialist in Terrorist and Security Studies, and was the author among other books & studies in 2002 of the study: Islamic Fundamentalists, Global Network and Modus Operandi: Model Bosnia Part I, and in 2004 Islamic Fundamentalists, Global Network and Modus Operandi: Model Bosnia, Part II published by the Documentation Center of the Government of Republica Srpska's [Bureau for Relations with the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia. Mr. Trifunovic was previously a diplomat (First Secretary) in the foreign service of Bosnia &Herzegovina at UN and in 2005 Adviser to the Minister of Interior of the Republic of Srpska, BIH. Since 2004, Darko Trifunovic was designate as representative for Serbia and Montenegro of International Strategic Studies Association (ISSA), Defense & Foreign Affairs publications, the Global Information System (GIS). ISSA is the Washington-based worldwide membership organization of professionals involved in national management, and particularly national and international security policy. Prof. Darko Trifunovic is Chief Editor of the prestigious University international bulletin "Security in Serbia"

Russell Gordon (Serbian politics, regional development)

Journalist, correspondent & professional photographer. Russell Gordon is a journalist and photographer specializing in Yugoslavia and Mexico. He was a Mexico correspondent and has worked in more than two dozen countries and covered four armed conflicts. He covered civil wars and armed conflicts in Afghanistan, Cambodia, Yugoslavia and the Bosnian Serb Republic, ethnic hostilities in Burundi, and the Zapatista rebellion in Mexico. Former Latin Trade contributor and staff photographer at La Nacion Daily in Argentina, Russell Gordon is currently based in Serbia tours the SEE Region and publishes analysis and reports.

Bucharest

Manuela Paraipan (Balkan-Middle East Relations, Romanian studies)

Middle East correspondent-WSN, postgraduate student in international relations
Manuela Paraipan received a Bachelor Degree in Political Science concentrating on Arab and Muslim domestic and external policy. Currently she is pursuing graduate studies in Political Science and Human Rights at West University of Timisoara (UVT), in Romania.
She has been published in The Washington Times, World Press Review, Yemen Times, Global Politician, Lebanon Wire and other publications. She has also been invited as a speaker at multiple political conferences. Her work includes interviews and presentations of important and emerging leaders and officials.

Florence

Veljko Milutinovic (EU Law, EU-Balkan relations, market regulation expert).

PHD Candidate in the European University Institute-European competition law. He has studied in the universities of Essex, Bristol (UK) and LUISS Guido Carli University of Rome. His research is on European banking law and competition and he has participated in numerous international workshop, conferences and research projects. His specialization is on European banking law with an interest on emerging & in transition markets. He speaks English, French, Serbian, Greek and Italian.

Pristina

Julia Nietsch (EU Integration of Western Balkans; civil society development in post-communist and post-conflict societies; Kosovo: political, social, cultural, education issues; EU development policies; development and conflict management).

German Liaison Office – Attaché for Politics, Press and Cultural Affairs

Studies in Germany (English, French, Philosophy), and France (Sciences- Paris). Diploma in International Relations and Development Studies. Three years of work experience in the Balkans (Kosovo and Bosnia-Herzegovina) for the OSCE, the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Languages spoken: German, French, English, Spanish, Italian, Greek, Albanian, Bosnian, Croatian and Serbian. Publications on Kosovo and on Civil Society in Kosovo and Bosnia – Herzegovina.

Sarajevo

Bernd Papenkort (Bosnia-Herzegovina, Balkan foreign policy, Balkan security).

WSN Foundation-Editor South East Europe.

Thirty years military service in German Armed Forces in command and staff functions. Work experiences in International Organizations (NATO, UN) at the political-military interface. Moreover, he is a Fellow and Regional Coordinator of the Oxford Leadership Academy, South East Europe and an organizer of multilateral international & regional training programs.

Skopje

Christopher Deliso (Balkan security developments, Balkan history, Balkan ethnology, journalism project management) Journalist, Analyst on Balkan security. Balkanalysis.com director Christopher Deliso has lived and traveled widely in SE Europe and has a master's degree with distinction in Byzantine Studies from Oxford University (1999). Since 2001, he has published many articles on Balkan politics, economics, security issues, travel, history and culture in US and world newspapers, analysis firms such as the Economist Intelligence Unit, and in numerous magazines and websites. He is also a travel writer for Lonely Planet, covering SE Europe. He is the author of a book-to-be published in USA on Balkan security affairs and he has interviewed leading figures in the Balkans on political and diplomatic affairs.

Tirana

Stavros Markos (Albanian politics, NGO & Minorities studies).

Journalist, analyst on organized crime in the Balkans & NGO Director. Markos Stavros, born in 1965 in Vlore, Albania, is an award-winning investigative journalist in Tirana. He has worked with BBC Radio, Albanian Television TVS, France Television TF1, TF2, TV5, Italian Television RAI, Athens Media Sesk and more, specializing in Balkan organized crime. He is directing NGO activities around minority issues and has served in the directory of TV Stations and newspapers

Security and Politics in Albania: A Limitation of Civil Liberties?
3/25/2007 (Balkanalysis.com)

By Ioannis Michaletos and Stavros Markos*

The government in Tirana has, over the past few months, imposed new domestic security policies in order to curb an increase in criminal networks and their activities. At the same time, international bodies, namely the EU and NATO – entities which Albania wishes to join in the future – are worried about the country’s widespread corruption, and are pressuring Albania to reconstruct its judicial system so as to combat crime of all sorts.

The Albanian Parliament has thus enacted a series of remedial bills, which some analysts predict will lead to an infringement of democratic processes in the country. However, international aid to the security sphere in Albania has as a main target the curtailing of organized crime and terrorism, and not the imposition of a totalitarian state structure that would seek to emulate the Hoxha regime that dominated Albania during the Cold War years.

Of specific concern is the law for surveillance and electronic correspondence. This law was passed in 2005, due to pressure that Albania encountered from foreign agencies such as the CIA, MI6 and EUROPOL, which were reportedly concerned by the continued interrelation between organized crime and Islamic extremist within the state.

The attorney general of Albania, Theodori Solakou, has voiced his opinion by stating that any conducting of electronic surveillance will adhere to standards of basic human rights protection. However, this has not reassured the public, which fears massive eavesdropping by the government, a phenomenon long experienced in many other countries in the region and the wider world.

Here it is interesting to note that one of the major telecom operators in the country is AMC, an affiliate of the Greek state-controlled mobile provider, Cosmote. A possible scenario involving the Greek company and Albanian surveillance would of course be accusations made by Albanian politicians against Greece, claiming that this ownership would mean Greece would be the one controlling and benefiting from electronic surveillance of Albanians. The bilateral relations between the two states might be greatly hurt if such an incident involving AMC were to occur and become public, regardless of the actual law that provides this opportunity to the state. A similar incident in Greece with the company Vodafone – albeit in a different context – revealed the crucial role of mobile providers in modern-day eavesdropping.

On a related front, in summer 2006 the Albanian Parliament voted for an extreme resolution that called for the banning of speedboats operating from all Albanian Adriatic ports, a bill known as “the Berisha moratorium” after its most eager supporter, Prime Minister Sali Berisha.

This sweeping law prohibits the use of speedboats by any Albanian citizen, as such vessels had been used for almost two decades very extensively in contraband activities between Albania and Southern Italy, particularly narcotics and human trafficking. However, along with the actual criminal culprits, quite a few law-abiding Albanians were forced into unemployment because they lost vital sources of income that depended on tourism or fishing interests.

The real reason for the ban, however, was the visa/illegal immigration into Europe issue and the relations between Albania and the EU. A small detail usually left out from media coverage of the ban is that foreign-owned vessels are exempted from it, and also, as the BIRN Network comments, a lull in speedboat trafficking has occurred anyway, because the smugglers have returned to traditional means of transport such as bus and trucks.

Another notable development relating to state security is the creation of a port security and anti-terrorist force for the port of Durres. It has been initiated after an American report revealed that this particular Albanian city has one of the least safe ports in the world. The Albanian government promptly created a strong 78-man force to remedy this deficiency. It is likely that since amongst their duties is the protection of oil deposits and installations, the whole move is related to the proposed AMBO pipeline stretching from Burgas to Vlore and the prospect of Albania becoming a country of energy importance to Western Europe. Hence there is a clear need foe enhanced anti-terrorism forces and a modern security apparatus in the country.

Perhaps the real reason that Albania is implementing such harsh measures, measures that clearly impact on the everyday life of its citizens, is because of the enormous power of the organized crime groups entrenched in social and political life. During the Yugoslav wars of the 1990’s, successive Albanian administrations profited from the oil smuggling that supported the embargo-afflicted republics of the then-Yugoslavia.

Another key factor was state and criminal involvement in the arming of Kosovo’s ‘liberation’ army, the UCK; the various –and often illegal- international interests that coalesced throughout the Balkans in the 1990’s ensured the dramatic expansion of organized crime.

Lastly, the presence of extremist Islamic elements from the early 1990’s on alerted the West to other potential perils. Bin Laden himself reportedly had visited Albania during the mid-1990’s, and Islamic groups directed by state security chief Bashkim Gazidede, during the first Berisha regime, operated under the pretext of charity funds and international relief organizations. Foremost among these was the al Qaeda-linked Egyptian Islamic Jihad, reportedly rolled up in CIA-directed actions in 1998. However, the arrest of other extremists and asset freezes of entities in Tirana owned by Saudi mogul Yassin al-Qadi, whose assets in the US were also frozen, after 9/11 pointed to a persistence of Islamic activity. At present, the foreign-funded Islamists have become quieter and more clever, operating through think-tanks and choosing to proceed through ‘converting’ mainstream Albanian Muslims to Saudi Wahhabism, particularly in poor rural areas.

The larger Albanian public is more concerned, however, by the potential for state excess in terms of surveillance. The Albanian secret service has reportedly requested that the government enact a law by which all mobile phone subscribers would have a unique code, so as to be recognized instantly in case the state deems it necessary. Also, all telephone calls would be stored in a database for a period of three years, minimum.

Furthermore, Albania has recently received hi-tech electronic surveillance equipment from London, equipment that will assist in the enforcement of the nation-wide electronic monitor program.

Interestingly, there are some 1,000 people working under direction of the Albanian attorney general in this sensitive “Surveillance department,” an extraordinarily large number for one of the smallest and poorest countries in Europe. The real fear of the Albanian citizens is, therefore, the perceived ability of the state to conduct a mass program of surveillance under the pretext of the “war against crime,” so as to subdue its political opponents and in general curtail democratic rights.

Recent historical experience has proved that the aforementioned confirm a clear and present danger. In 1993, similar equipment – from the USA – was used to illegally survey leaders of the Greek minority in Albania. During that period the Albanian courts condemned 5 leading members of the Greek organization “Omonoia” for charges relating to actions against the state. The decision forced Greece to intervene by vetoing economic assistance from the EU towards Albania, and in general complicated the bilateral relations between Athens and Tirana. According to German sources, Albania received surveillance equipment due to its vital role in expediting the Kosovo war, with direct assistance from Western intelligence agencies.

Today, the small Greek community in Albania remains fearful that its prominent members (politicians, journalists, NGO members, lawyers etc) could yet again become subjects of state ‘attention.’ According to Albanian media sources, the Albanian secret service is currently monitoring members of the Greek community because of their statements on the “North Epirus issue.” The border provinces between the two countries are referred to separately as “Epiros” by Greeks and “Chameria” by Albanians; both states claim historic and cultural contiguity upon the cross-border terrain.

The demands of the Greek minority members in Albania which are today causing concern with the Albanian authorities include having more say in the communal affairs and seeking ties with their brethren in Greece. According to statistics and unofficial estimations, some 2-10 percent of the Albanian population has Greek ancestry and the overall controversy around “North Epirus” is interrelated with the overall democratic process in the post-communist Albania.

A relatively recent strain in relations between both states occurred on November 1, 2005, when Greek President Karolos Papoulias left in haste from an official visit to Albania, when an event staged by Cham Albanians took place in the area where the Greek and Albanian President were about to meet. The Cham protests for repatriation of their former properties in Greece has never been accepted by the Greek government, since the former left Greece in 1944-45 because of reprisals from Greeks, due to the Albanians’ collaboration with the Axis forces under Hitler. Nevertheless this is an issue that is simmering and a prediction is that as long as Albanian nationalism is energizing the country, there could be major setbacks in the relations between the two states specifically because of that issue. Maps of “Greater Albania” and similar aims, surely add up to a diplomatic climate that is uncertain and needs to get the exact opposite signals, so that both countries can fully cooperate and enjoy better relations.

Furthermore, Attorney General Theodhori Sollaku stated during an institutional meeting that he had been obliged to deny numerous requests by the secret service and the police for mass surveillance. He also added that the total number of surveillance demands can be compared to that of the USA, which has a population 100 times greater than Albania’s. That fact alone, according to the attorney general, reveals a situation not suitable for a democratic state, as well as a clear violation of human rights protection in the country.

This issue could be linked with the conflict between the government of Berisha and Mr. Sollaku, in which both parties have become locked in a series of accusations and counter-accusations of corruption over the past year. In fact, the government tried unsuccessfully to dismiss the attorney general on corruption charges, with no effect however, due to serious opposition from other political figures, including the president of the Albanian Republic.

Such developments indicate that Albania today is in danger of enacting a process that will drift its way toward Europe and not vice-versa. Instead of crime fighting, the new laws could become a perfect fit for those seeking to exert a totalitarian approach to the modern political environment. Political parties, minorities, NGO and labor syndicates could be all become subject to surveillance from the central government. Albania is a country that until 1991 had one of the most isolated and totalitarian regimes in the world. The way forward that includes EU membership would not be served by a mentality of the old days, wrapped in a hi-tech package of electronic and signal intelligence. This new episode in Albanian affairs will certainly prove to be another difficult passage from democratic-political adolescence to maturity, with all the pains and struggles that this passage entails.

……………………………….

*Prolific Balkanalysis.com contributor Ioannis Michaletos is an analyst covering economics, politics and security issues in Greece and the Balkan region with the Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) in Athens.

Markos Stavros, born in 1965 in Vlore, Albania, is an award-winning investigative journalist in Tirana. He has worked with BBC Radio, Albanian Television TVS, France Television TF1, TF2, TV5, Italian Television RAI and more, specializing in Balkan organized crime.

Greek Fire is a dual biography of Maria Callas and Aristotle Onassis, tracing their relationship from their first meeting at a 1957 masked ball in Venice to the end of their lives.

Many books have been written about the incandescent diva who transformed opera and the Promethean tycoon who revolutionized international shipping, but none have focused on the tempestuous relationship that was for both the most meaningful of their lives.

At the heart of the story is a mesmerizing day-by-day account of a cruise aboard Onassis's fabled yacht, Christina, in the summer of 1959. It was during this three-week excursion that the couple fell in love as their respective marriages dissolved before the eyes of the celebrated guests, who included Winston Churchill.

Greek Fire uses startling new information about Callas and Onassis uncovered by Nicholas Gage, a former investigative reporter for The New York Times, to provide the first and only full account of their fateful romance.

The revelations set forth in the book, based on meticulous research in Europe and America, will forever change what is known about Maria Callas and Aristotle Onassis and the woman who came between them---Jacqueline Kennedy.

Community loses great benefactor



PROPERTY tycoon Spiros Stamoulis passed away on Friday 11 May following a long battle with cancer.

A very successful businessman, who made his fortune first via his company Gold Medal Soft Drinks and then through property investment, Mr Stamoulis was best known to the Greek community as the man behind 3XY Radio.

He made an incredible contribution to the Greek community, his most recent gift the Melbourne Hellenic Museum, which was set up in honour of his late daughter Nafsika and launched last month by Greek Finance Minister Giorgos Alogoskoufis.

His shrewd business style made him one of Melbourne's leading property developers and earned him a spot in the Business Review Weekly's Annual Rich List.


NKEE writer Dean Kalymniou, who knew Mr Stamoulis personally, pays tribute to the man, in the following obituary.

Absolutely brilliant are the words that best describe the late Spiros Stamoulis' life.

Most of the members of the Greek community know him as the business magnate who, starting off with his successful Gold Medal Soft Drink business, made it on Australian Rich Lists.

Others would remember him as an Australian Champion in Greco-Roman wrestling.

All would remember him as the founder and owner of 3XY Radio.

Spiros Stamoulis was for Epirots, the greatest of their compatriots ever to set foot in Australia.

As President of the Panepirotic Federation of Australia, the Union of Northern Epirots and the Greeks of Northern Epiros Aid Committee, he campaigned tirelessly in order to preserve the unique Epirot heritage in this country, and also to ensure that his beleaguered compatriots in Northern Epirus were able to enjoy basic human rights.

His primary motivation was an immense love and appreciation for all people and it is thus fitting that the Polytechnic College in Argyrokastro that he contributed so much towards is known as "Fryme Dashurie" ie. "A Breath of Love."

One of Spiros Stamoulis' last gifts to the Greek community of Melbourne was the Hellenic Museum, a repository of our culture throughout the ages.

It is incumbent upon all of us to ensure that its potential is maximized in the manner that the perceptive Spiros Stamoulis foresaw: as the ark that will protect our historical memories long after we have gone.

In providing us with such gifts, Spiros Stamoulis follows in the footsteps of the Great Benefactors of the Greek People, most of whom, Zappas, Tositsas and Averoff among them, were from Epirus.

In analysing his works and days, his conscious imitation of this tradition in order to engage with and spread Hellenism in the Antipodes, deserves special attention.

For me, Spiros Stamoulis was the ever-smiling, placid, infinitely accessible and unaffected man who was always willing to listen, to make suggestions, to offer assistance and to get things done without ever letting it be known that you were making demands on his time.

Further, and this is the mark of the greatness of a man, he never put himself above criticism or reproach, even when he knew he was in he right, but treated all and sundry with singular benevolence and kindness. In true Renaissance-man style, he was all things to all men.

During his life, Spiros Stamoulis personified the traditional migrant dream: He came to this country, became fabulously successful, gave back tenfold to the community that engendered him and brought up remarkable children.

It is impossible, even in our fractious community to find someone who could seriously talk slightingly of him or his multifaceted achievements.

And he will always remain, a true Odysseus, a master of the art of the possible and the brightest star in our Antipodean firmament, a symbol of how dreams can come true.

To his mother, to his wife Helen and to his children, Hari and Melina, we extend our deepest condolences, knowing that he shall remain immortal in our memories forever.