Saturday, December 24, 2016

SManalysis:Merry Christmas

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Friday, December 23, 2016

Rama i parë me sytë e një bashkëfajtori



Koço Kokëdhima ka kryer edhe publikisht divorcin përfundimtar me Edi Ramën. Me fjalimin e fortë, këtë të premte, në asmblenë kombëtare, ai i ka dhënë fund një miqësie afro 20 vjeçare, që kish ushqyer sa zili të tejskajshme, po aq edhe fantazi të shfrenuar.
Për shumëkënd, Kokëdhima dhe Rama ishin një çifti i pandarë. Disa supozonin deri dhe lidhje intime, disa të tjerë hamendësonin para në llogari të përbashkëta në parajsat fiskale, ndërsa më paranojakët parathonin një plan okult për të uzurpuar PS-në.

Të gjitha këto pandehma merrnin dhe më tepër zjarr nga takimet e fshehta në shtëpinë e Koços në bllok, nga deklaratat ekstravagante për pleqërimin sëbashku në Vuno, nga tenderat e dikurshëm të Bashkisë të Tiranës, nga fakti se papritmas të dy u gjendën në një listë elektorale, atë të qarkut të Vlorës, nga emërimi i menjëherë pas marrjes së pushtetit, i drejtorit të Albpetrolit dhe së fundi nga makthi i përhapur nga vetë deputetët socialistë, që e etiketuan Kokëdhimën si “pashain e Jugut”.

Natyrisht, tani, shumë nga rilindasit që i kanë vuajtur këto teori konspirative, do të ndryshojnë menjherë qëndrim. Ata do e quajnë divorcin e Kokëdhimës një hakmarrje inatçore. Ata do ti bien borive të përhershme të kritikut qefmbetur. Ata do ti mëshojnë emocioneve të “mikut” të lënë në baltë. Ata, të gjithë së bashku, në një gojë, do të përsërisin pyetjen fatale: Pse Kokëdhima nuk foli më parë, nëse Rama qenkësh autokrati që ai po na vizaton sot?
Natyrisht gjithkush ka të drejtë të ngrejë këtë dyshim. Gjithkush ka të drejtë të mos besojë në sinqeritetin e portretit që Koço bën për mikun e tij në dy dekada. Gjithkush ka të drejtë të hamendësojë, nëse ky është shantazhi i fundit që ai po i bën Ramës, me ëndrrën që një ditë të rikthehet në pozicionin e dikurshëm të gurusë.   

Por, këtu më i rëndësishëm sesa qëllimi i Kokëdhimës, sesa emociontet, hatërmbetjet apo koha kur ai vendosi ti shpërthejë ato, janë flajët që ai thotë për kreun e PS-së.
Dhe ai na vizaton një Edi Ramë të kthyer në padron të partisë së vet. Një drejtues që nuk pyet askënd, nuk zbaton asnjë rregull, që drejton përmes kulisash, që ndëshkon të pabindurit për mendimet ndryshe, që hakmerret ndaj tyre me vendin e punës dhe me bukën e gojës.

Ai na vizaton gjithashtu një Parti Socialiste të shndërruar në SH.P.K, ku gëlojnë intrigat dhe pabesia, ku kongreset mblidhen për fasadë duke mos marrë asnjë vendim, ku ministrat, deputetët, të zgjdhurit lokalë, janë emërime ekskluzive të njëshit, pavarësisht nëse pëlqehen apo jo nga elektorati, ku është ngritur kulti i “liderit karizmatik” dhe i të pasurit “shumë para”.

Në fakt, po ta shikosh me kujdes, Koço Kokëdhima portretizon të njëjtin imazh që kanë skicuar për Edi Ramën, të gjithë kritikët e tij për drejtimin e PS-së.
Pak a shumë të njëjtat gjëra ka thënë ish pararadhësi Fatos Nano, të njëjtat kanë përsëritur të vjetrit që u larguan nga partia, të njëjtat ngritën me forcë 6 deputetët e LMN-së dhe po njësoj foli Blushi i cili kërkoi edhe me akte, hapjen e një organizate që po bunkerizohej përditë.

Të gjitha ata janë sulmuar me argumentin se niseshin nga motive personale, se ishin karrierristë, se kishin shitur shpirtin tek kundërshtari.

Por, ama shumë më të pakët kanë qenë ata që kanë bërë një pyetje tjetër: si ka mundësi që njerëz të ardhur nga horizonte kaq të ndryshme, me intersa krejt të kundërta, me formim, bindje dhe origjinë aq të larmishme, arrinin gjithnjë në të njëjtin përfundim: se Rama po shndrrohej në autokratin që përmes kapjes të parties, synonte të kapte edhe shtetin.

Pikërisht këto teza po i vërteton Koço Kokëdhima. Ai po skicon të njëjtin profil dhe po ngre të njëjtat shqetësime. Në mënyrën e tij ai po vërteton një gjë më të madhe sesa ato që thotë. Sepse ai po noterizon edhe kritikat e mëparshme të kundërshtarëve të Ramës. Si miku, si shoku, si guruja 20 vjeçar, ai artikuloi, në ditën e ndarjes, të njëjtat akuza që enden në treg që prej vjeshtës së vitit 2005.

Pikërisht për këtë dëshmia e fundit e Kokëdhimës ishte shumë më e rëndësishme sesa motivet që e nxitën atë të rebelohen. Sepse ndryshe nga paraardhëset ajo ka privilegjin të jetë dëshmia e një bashkëfajtori. (Lapsi.al)

"Peace in Balkans requires redrawing of borders"


The U.S. magazine Foreign Affairs has published an analysis on its website regarding "the situation in the former Yugoslav countries."
Source: foreignaffairs.com

(Thinkstock)
(Thinkstock)
Penned by Timothy Less, and quoted by the N1 broadcaster for Bosnia-Herzegovina, the article, published under the headline, "Dysfunction in the Balkans," argues in favor of redrawing the borders in the Balkans, to the extent of creating "greater" Serbia, Albania, and Croatia.
Less - who in the past headed the British consulate in Banja Luka, RS - thinks all this should be done for the sake of peace in the region.

"A radical new approach is required that forges a durable peace by addressing the underlying source of instability in the Balkans: the mismatch of political and national boundaries," he writes, urging the West to prove its declared commitment to maintaining peace in this region by "putting pragmatism ahead of idealism."

"Given the divisions in Europe, the United States needs to step up and take control of the process," Less also thinks.

"In the short term, Washington should support the internal fragmentation of multiethnic states where minorities demand it -for example, by accepting the Albanians’ bid for the federalization of Macedonia and the Croats’ demand for a third entity in Bosnia," he writes, adding that "in the medium term, the United States should allow these various territories to form close political and economic links with their larger neighbors, such as allowing dual citizenship and establishing shared institutions, while formally remaining a part of their existing state."

"In the final phase," argues Less, "these territories could break from their existing states and unite with their mother country, perhaps initially as autonomous regions."

"A Croat entity in Bosnia would merge with Croatia; Republika Srpska (the Serb entity in Bosnia-Herzegovina) and the north of Kosovo with Serbia; and the Presevo Valley, western Macedonia, and most of Kosovo with Albanian," he writes.

Montenegro, "which may lose its small Albanian enclaves" would then have the choice of "either staying independent or coalescing with an expanded Serbia."

According to the author, "this would simply be a formalization of the existing reality," while the United States would not be breaking new ground "but simply reviving the Wilsonian vision of a Europe comprising self-governing nations - but for the one part of the continent where this vision has never been applied."

Dynamics of Radicalization and Violent Extremism in Kosovo


Link

December 19, 2016
By:  Adrian Shtuni

Relying in large part on primary empirical evidence, this report explores the dynamics of violent extremism in Kosovo and the disproportionately high number of radicalized fighters from the region in Syria and Iraq. Examining the historic, cultural, geopolitical, and socioeconomic factors behind the phenomenon, it focuses on the flow as a symptom of a larger religious militancy problem within the country and offers recommendations on countering that challenge.
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Summary

    Kosovo, a country with no prior history of religious militancy, has become a prime source of foreign fighters in the Iraqi and Syrian conflict theater relative to population size.
    About three in four Kosovan adults known to have traveled to Syria and Iraq since 2012 were between seventeen and thirty years old at the time of their departure. By mid-2016, about 37 percent had returned.
    The vast majority of these known foreign fighters have moderate formal education. In comparative terms, this rate appears to be superior to the reported national rate. Two-thirds live in average or above-average economic circumstances.
    Five municipalities—four of which are near Kosovo’s Macedonian border—judging from their disproportionately high recruitment and mobilization rate, appear particularly vulnerable to violent extremism. More than one-third of the Kosovan male combatants originate from these municipalities, which account for only 14 percent of the country’s population.
    Long-term and targeted radicalization, recruitment, and mobilization efforts by foreign-funded extremist networks have been primarily active in southern Kosovo and northwestern Macedonia for more than fifteen years. These networks have often been headed by local alumnae of Middle Eastern religious institutions involved in spreading an ultra-conservative form of Islam infused with a political agenda.
    Despite substantial improvements in the country’s sociopolitical reality and living conditions since the 1998–1999 Kosovo War, chronic vulnerabilities have contributed to an environment conducive to radicalization.
    Frustrated expectations, the growing role of political Islam as a core part of identity in some social circles, and group dynamics appear to be the telling drivers of radicalization, recruitment, and mobilization in Kosovo.

About the Report

This Special Report explores the dynamics of radicalization and violent extremism in Kosovo with a special focus on the flow of foreign fighters to Syria and Iraq as the most prominent symptom of a multifaceted religious militancy problem facing the country and the region of the Western Balkans. Part of a larger effort by the United States Institute of Peace (USIP) focused on understanding violent extremism in the Western Balkans and developing tailored and viable responses to prevent and counter it, the report relies heavily on empirical evidence collected by the author over an extensive period as well as on official data provided by Kosovan law enforcement authorities.
About the Author

Adrian Shtuni is a senior foreign policy and security analyst with a regional focus on the Western Balkans and the eastern Mediterranean. He consults on countering violent extremism (CVE), counterterrorism, political risk, irregular migration, and other transnational threats. He also designs and implements CVE trainings and programs, and regularly presents at national and international conferences, summits, and symposiums. He acknowledges the invaluable input and review by Georgia Holmer, director of CVE at USIP. He further wishes to thank the Kosovo Police Counterterrorism Directorate for providing access to demographic data of foreign fighters.


Countering Violent Extremism
Countries:
Kosovo

Sunday, December 18, 2016

Η Αλβανία να σεβαστεί τους Έλληνες Β.Ηπείρου


Η Δρ. Θεοχάρους πραγματοποίησε επίσκεψη στην Αλβανία, για να λάβει μέρος σε εκδήλωση των Χιμαριωτών στα Τίρανα, ως κύρια ομιλήτρια, και για διερευνήσει την κατάσταση που προκύπτει από την προσπάθεια του Αλβανικού κράτους να υφαρπάξει τις περιουσίες των Ελλήνων της Βορείου Ηπείρου, καταπατώντας τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα της Ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Αλβανία.

Στη διάρκεια της επίσκεψης της η κυρία Θεοχάρους τόνισε ότι όσο η Αλβανία δεν σέβεται τα δικαιώματα των Βορειοηπειρωτών, η πόρτα της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης θα παραμείνει κλειστή για τη χώρα, και κάλεσε την αλβανική κυβέρνηση να μην αντιμετωπίζει τους Έλληνες της Βορείου Ηπείρου ως πολίτες δεύτερης κατηγορίας, με στόχο τον εκδιωγμό και ξεριζωμό τους από τις πατρογονικές τους εστίες δια της βίας.

Στην ομιλία της σε εκδήλωση των οργανώσεων των Ελλήνων της Χιμάρας, η οποία πραγματοποιήθηκε στα Τίρανα, τόνισε μεταξύ άλλων ότι «έχουμε ιστορική υποχρέωση να υπερασπιστούμε τα δικαιώματα των Ελλήνων της Βορείου Ηπείρου».

Η κυρία Θεοχάρους συνοδευόμενη από την πολιτικοκοινωνική οργάνωση των Ελλήνων της Βορείου Ηπείρου «ΟΜΟΝΟΙΑ» και τον πρόεδρο της, Λεωνίδα Παππά, πραγματοποίησε περιοδεία στα ελληνικά χωριά και Δήμους της Βορείου Ηπείρου (Νάρτα, Χιμάρα, Άγιοι Σαράντα, Αργυρόκαστρο, Δέλβινο Δρόπολη), και συνομίλησε με τους Έλληνες τοπικούς παράγοντες και τον Ελληνικό πληθυσμό  αυτών των περιοχών.

Η κυρία Θεοχάρους διαπίστωσε ότι ο Ελληνισμός της Βορείου Ηπείρου βρίσκεται αντιμέτωπος με τη βαναυσότητα του Αλβανικού κράτους, το οποίο προφασιζόμενο την δημιουργία έργων κοινής ωφελείας στις ελληνικές περιοχές, έχει αποστείλει ειδοποιητήρια έξωσης από τις κατοικίες τους για να προχωρήσει σε κατεδάφιση. Η διαδικασία αφορά πολλές οικογένειες στην Χιμάρα αλλά και σε ολόκληρη την Βόρειο Ήπειρο και έχει απασχολήσει το Ευρωπαϊκό Κοινοβούλιο.  Η γνωστή υπόθεση των υπό διωγμό και έξωση οικογενειών Ελλήνων της Χιμάρας που έχουν ειδοποιηθεί σχετικά από τα τέλη Οκτωβρίου προκάλεσε και την αντίδραση του Ελληνικού Υπουργείου Εξωτερικών.

Η επίσκεψη και η περιοδεία της ευρωβουλευτού Ελένης Θεοχάρους καλύφθηκε εκτενώς από τα Αλβανικά ΜΜΕ, ενώ οι δηλώσεις της προκάλεσαν έντονες δημόσιες αντιδράσεις στους εθνικιστικούς κύκλους της Αλβανίας και πολλοί ζητούν την απαγόρευση εισόδου της στην χώρα.

Η κυρία Θεοχάρους δεσμεύτηκε ότι θα απαιτήσει όπως πολύ σύντομα τους Έλληνες της Βορείου Ηπείρου επισκεφθούν τόσο ο εισηγητής της Έκθεσης του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου Knut Fleckenstein, όσο και κάποιοι από τους σκιώδεις εισηγητές από πλευράς άλλων κομμάτων του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου (Kukan Eduard (EPP), Kyuchyuk Ilhan (ALDE), Massimo Castaldo (EFDD), Mesxerics Tamas (Greens), πριν την οριστική παρουσίαση της έκθεσης του 2016 για την ενταξιακή πορεία της Αλβανίας.

Gruevski-ambasadorit të SHBA: Puna jote, vetëm të raportosh


 
 

Nikolla Gruevski, i cili doli fitues i zgjedhjeve në Maqedoni ka shprehur hapur pakënaqësi ndaj ambasadorit amerikan, Xhes Bejli dhe atij të bE-së Samuel Zhbogar. Zyra për shtyp e kreut të VMRO-DPMNE ka zbardhur bisedat me tone të larta mes Nikolla Gruevskit dhe ambasadorëve, në të cilat ish kryeministri maqedonas kërkon që faktori ndërkombëtar të qëndrojë anash dhe të mos përzihet në punët e brendshme të Maqedonisë, sidomos në marrëdhëniet ndërpartiake. Më poshtë biseda e zbardhur:
Bejli: Cilat janë planet e VMRO- DPMNE-së për koalicion?
Nikolla Gruevski: Planet varen nga partitë e tjera, të cilat po ndikohen edhe nga faktorë të jashtëm!  
Bejli: Cilët janë këta faktorë të jashtëm?
Nikolla Gruevski: Nuk jemi të autorizuar të tregojmë!
Bejli: Mund t’ju ndihmojmë në këtë drejtim!
Nikolla Gruevski: Puna juaj është vetëm të ndiqni situatën dhe t’i raportoni shtetit tuaj!
Bejli: Ne ju kemi ndihmuar deri tani!
Nikolla Gruevski: Për ndihmën e deritanishme, faleminderit!
Bejli: SHBA është mike e Maqedonisë, por disa anëtarë të partisë suaj nuk ndajnë të njëjtin qëndrim!
Nikolla Gruevski: Nuk ka dilema rreth anëtarësimit në NATO e BE dhe miqësisë me SHBA-në, por kjo nuk do të thotë se disa individë, partia apo shteti nuk mund të shprehin mos pajtueshmëri me disa hapa që individë të caktuar që përfaqësojnë SHBA-në kanë ndërmarrë këto kohë. 
Përveç dialogut i cili në nëntekstin e tij shfaq mospajtimet mes Gruevskit dhe ambasadorit Bejli i cili është zbuluar, në VMRO- DPMNE ka zhvilluar takime edhe ambasadori i BE-së Samuel Zhbogar. Gruevski duket se është shprehur me një ton më të butë ndaj evropianëve.
Zhbogar: Jam i shqetësuar për fjalorin e përdorur në protestat e fundit!
Nikolla Gruevski: U bënë 2 vjet protesta të opozitës, u thyen zyrat e Presidentit, prona shtetërore dhe Brukseli e komuniteti ndërkombëtar nuk thanë një fjalë për to!
Zhbogar: Si do të shkojë situata me protestat?
Nikolla Gruevski: Nuk mund të parashikojmë pasi numri i qytetarëve të irituar është i madh dhe revolta nuk do të kontrollohet plotësisht nëse institucionet nuk punojnë në bazë të ligjit. 
Në takim ka qenë edhe ambasadori i Norvegjisë Arn Sanes Bjornshtad i cili ka marrë të njëjtën përgjigje të ashpër nga Nikolla Gruevski, se në dy vitet e fundit në Maqedoni, përfaqësues të caktuar të bashkësisë ndërkombëtare janë përzier në mënyrë të vrazhdë në punët e brendshme të shtetit, deri edhe ato ndërpartiake.
Sipas Nikolla Gruevskit kjo praktikë ka qenë e nxitur më shumë, edhe në periudhën parazgjedhore dhe atë zgjedhore, praktikë kjo e cila do të marrë fund, raporton "Tv Klan".

Daily: Croatia preparing "new blackmails" for Serbia


Croatian members of the European Parliament (EP) are preparing "new blackmails" for Serbia, the Belgrade newspaper Vecernje Novosti writes on Friday.
Source: Beta
(Getty Images, file)
(Getty Images, file)
According to the article, this concerns "the numerous amendments they will most likely submit to the progress report by Serbia rapporteur David McAllister."
The daily writes that all Croatian MEPs, including left and right wingers, are now "preparing to ask for EU's more strict stance toward Belgrade, demanding the solving of the numerous open bilateral issues."

"Croats will again try to push through their demand for Serbia to give up on prosecuting war crimes committed in Croatia, to find all the missing, and correct the border on the Danube," the newspaper says.

According to the article, "the list of complaints" includes the demands concerning the Croat minority in Serbia, and condemnation of Serbia's lack of cooperation with the Hague Tribunal.

As for McAllister's report, the first version should be submitted to the EP at the start of next year, the newspaper said it learned from his cabinet.

MEPs from Hungary, Bulgaria, and Romania could also submit their amendments, "most likely seeking, as has been the case previously, better status for their national minorities in Serbia."

Albania considers clamp down on online media


Image result for computer blog

An MP from Albania's ruling Socialist Party has called for greater state control of online media, decrying what he calls “electoral propaganda”.

On Tuesday, MP Taulant Balla proposed that news sites be obliged to register during election campaigns, and that those that fail to do so should be blocked.

“The usage of web portals that are not controlled by the Media Monitoring Board for electoral propaganda is prohibited,” read a draft proposal sent by Mr Balla to the Balkan Investigative Reporting Network (BIRN).

According to a report by BIRN, the Albanian government normally dubs all online publications “portals”, which in Albanian refers to websites generating clickbait content.

Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama, who generally receives favourable coverage from the traditional media, has also levelled vitriol at online publications, calling them “waste bins”, “charlatans” and “propagandists”.

The proposal would see an extension of the powers of the Media Monitoring Board – a commission established within the Central Election Commission before elections with the aim of monitoring television stations and analysing the distribution of news coverage.

While Darian Pavli, programme director for the Soros Open Society Foundation for Albania and an expert on freedom of information, states that Mr Balla's proposal would be challenging to implement, this development could be concerning for media freedom in a country where online media is becoming an increasingly popular news sources.

Stoltenberg Ahead of NATO-Russia Council Says Alliance Wants No New Cold War

NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg speaks and gestures after talks with Montenegro's Prime Minister Milo Djukanovic, in Podgorica, Montenegro, Thursday, June 11, 2015

NATO is not seeking an escalation in relations with Russia, it does not want new Cold War, according to the alliance's Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg. NATO Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg delivers a press conference after a NATO defence ministers' meeting at the NATO headquarters in Brussels on October 27, 2016 

 NATO is not seeking an escalation in relations with Russia, it does not want new Cold War, the alliance's Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg said ahead of the NATO-Russia Council (NRC) meeting on Monday. "This is the signal for the NATO-Russia Council on Monday: NATO does not want any escalation, it does not want a Cold War," Stoltenberg told German Bild newspaper in an interview. The next NRC meeting will take place on the level of ambassadors to the Alliance in Brussels.

The first NRC meeting since NATO-Russian relations deterioration over Ukraine crises took place on April 20 at the level of permanent envoys, but failed to yield any significant results, as the sides disagreed on a number of geopolitical issues. Another NRC meeting, at the ambassadorial level, was held in Brussels on July 13.