Fears of Serbia return to iron rule of nationalism
In this photo taken Tuesday, Oct. 28, 2014, Aslan Balaj speaks and gestures in his bakery in the...
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STARA
PAZOVA, Serbia (AP) — As nationalist hysteria gripped the Balkans a
quarter century ago, Aslan Ballaj, an ethnic Albanian from Kosovo, did
something unthinkable: He moved to Serbia to open a bakery at a time
when people like him were increasingly seen as the enemy.
Since then, Ballaj has remained alongside his Serb neighbors even as
their nations went to war in the late 1990s, managing against the odds
to escape violence in the darkest days of the bloodshed. Just as he
thought the times of fear and revenge were over, extremists in October
attacked his bakery shop, riddling it with bullets and throwing a hand
grenade that shattered windows and destroyed walls, tables and chairs.
"I thought this was the 21st century," said the 50-year-old father of
four. "I never dreamed this could happen, especially not now."
Nearly 20 minority-owned businesses were targeted along with Ballaj's
in a spate of coordinated attacks — triggered by a soccer brawl — that
have brought back memories of the era of late strongman Slobodan
Milosevic, who incited ethnic hatred at home to wage wars against Balkan
neighbors.
Hate speech is on the rise. Anti-Western propaganda fills the
airwaves. Liberal journalists are pulled off air. Nationalists talk up
redrawing Balkan borders. Mafia-style hits, a hallmark of the Milosevic
years, are returning. And as Russia and the West collide over Ukraine,
Serbia is falling firmly into the camp of traditional mentor Moscow,
even as it tries to advance its case for EU membership.
"Somebody wants to remind us of the 1990s," said government ombudsman Anika Muskinja-Hajnrih. "That is worrisome."
Serbia, whose stability is crucial for peace in the still-volatile
Balkans, has been simmering with ethnic and social tensions that
exploded after fans brawled during a European Championship qualifying
match between Serbia and Albania. The fight, which involved players and
fans over an Albanian flag that was flown over the stadium, stirred the
most strife in the multi-ethnic north of Serbia where Ballaj is from.
The increasingly strident rhetoric of Serb nationalists, tolerated if
not encouraged by the government, has prompted many to ask if some of
Milosevic's trademark policies are back, despite the proclaimed pro-EU
stance advocated by the current right-leaning government led by Prime
Minister Aleksandar Vucic.
Critics warn that surging pro-Russian and conservative sentiment has
sidelined liberal critics, threatening the country's hard-earned
democracy. Vucic — who won Western support for promising to enact pro-EU
political and economic reforms — has been accused at home of tightening
his grip on power by curbing dissent and clamping down on the media.
"It has never been like this, never," said Olja Beckovic, a prominent
journalist. "Just look at the television stations, there is no
criticism anywhere no more."
Beckovic's highly popular political talk show recently was removed
from the program of B92, a private television station that once was the
beacon of the liberal, pro-democratic movement that led to Milosevic's
downfall in 2000. She said Vucic had personally intervened to influence
her choice of guests and other aspects of her show. Other media also
have faced either political or economic pressure, she said.
Vucic has denied the accusations, and says he had nothing to do with
the show's removal. B92 said Beckovic's show no longer fits into the
broadcaster's program lineup.
Vucic was a radical Serb nationalist during the conflict in the
former Yugoslavia that killed more than 100,000 people and displaced
millions. In the late 1990s, he served as Milosevic's information
minister at a time several opposition media outlets were persecuted and
shut down. He has claimed to have shifted from being a hardline
nationalist to a pro-EU reformer, rejecting accusations that he is
trying to impose Milosevic-style grip on power. He and other former
radicals have sought to overhaul their image by promising EU
integration, Western-style reform and an aggressive fight against
corruption.
Unlike Milosevic, whose policies made Serbia a pariah state in the
1990s, Vucic's government has worked to normalize ties between Serbia
and its neighbors, including breakaway Kosovo — a former ethnic
Albanian-dominated province that declared independence in 2008 and which
Serbia has refused to recognize. The EU said the two nations must
improve ties to qualify for membership.
But in Milosevic-style defiance toward the West, Vucic's government
has also fostered strong ties with Moscow, refusing to back EU sanctions
over its role in the Ukraine crisis. The Serbian government gave
Russian President Vladimir Putin a hero's welcome in October, organizing
a Soviet-style military parade, while the two armies held joint
military exercises weeks later, prompting fears that warmongering
policies in the Balkans are back.
The swing toward Putin and Russia also was strongly featured last
month at an ultranationalist rally in Belgrade in which 10,000 people
cheered suspected war criminal Vojislav Seselj — the onetime boss of
Vucic's party, who is now on provisional release from the U.N. war
crimes tribunal. Evoking hate speech that marked Milosevic's era, Seselj
said Serbia should scrap EU integration and turn entirely toward
Russia. He also said large chunks of neighboring Bosnia and Croatia
should be part of Serbia.
"Our enemies are all in the European Union," said Seselj, who is
accused of organizing notorious Serb paramilitary troops during the
Balkan wars. "We must turn completely toward Russia."
Days later, Serbia's deputy war crimes prosecutor Bruno Vekaric —
whose EU-backed office has put dozens of Serb war criminals on trial —
received death threats after Vucic's party official publicly questioned
his energetic approach to seeking justice. Vekaric complained of an
"atmosphere of lynching."
Adding to Serb tensions, a prominent tycoon was shot and wounded last
month in the kind of mafia-style attack common during the Milosevic
years, when criminal gangs and ex-paramilitaries fought for control over
the underworld. "Fear of the '90s," read a column about the shooting in
the popular Blic daily.
Vucic, highly popular for trying to restore Serb national pride after
the lost Balkan wars, rejected claims that the mood of the 1990s is
back in Serbia: "Everyone changes," he said. "So have I, and I'm proud
of that."