Friday, May 13, 2016

Military Helicopter Crash Kills Both Pilots in Southeastern Turkey


A military plane crashed in southeastern Turkey, killing both pilots, the Turkish General Staff said Friday.

ANKARA (Sputnik) – The Cobra aircraft, taking part in the counterterrorist operation, crashed at 2:50 GMT in the Hakkari province due to a technical failure, according to the general staff. Both pilots were killed in the crash. The majority of the province’s population is Kurdish. Tensions between Ankara and the Kurds escalated in July 2015 as fighting between the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), the Kurdish pro-independence organization considered to be terrorists by Ankara, and the Turkish army resumed. Ankara has imposed several round-the-clock curfews in Kurdish-populated towns, preventing civilians from fleeing the regions where the military operations are taking place.

Thursday, May 12, 2016

Turkey Threatens to Launch 'Unilateral' Operations on Syrian Soil

A large convoy of Turkish military including tanks and ambulances rolls  from the southeastern part of Turkey toward the Iraqi border (File)
Middle East
22:54 12.05.2016

Inching closer to a military invasion of Syria, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has threatened to launch "operations" to "clean the other side of the border."

Throughout 2016 there have been growing signs of Ankara’s intention to deploy ground forces in Syria. In February, the Russian government reported "a growing number of signs of hidden preparation of the Turkish armed forces for active actions on the territory of Syria."

At the time, Ankara rejected these claims, even as it launched military actions against Kurds in southeastern Turkey and sent troops into northern Iraq, over the objections of Iraqi Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi.

On Thursday, President Erdogan gave further indication that his government is actively considering the deployment of troops into Syria.

"[Turkey] is doing all the necessary preparations to clean the other side of the border…" he said, adding that such an operation would be justified in order to defend Kilis Province from mortar fire.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan
© AP Photo/ Vadim Ghirda
Russian Foreign Ministry: Turkey Aiding Daesh, Hindering Syrian Peace Talks

Erdogan added that he was disappointed with the lack of support from other nations involved in the five-year Syrian civil war.

"We do not believe the sincerity of any country that has not seen rockets falling on our town as if they fell on Moscow, London, Brussels, Paris or Berlin," he said.

"Let me say it here. We will not hesitate to take needed steps on our own if necessary."

The president’s comments come as no surprise as, in February, he indicated that Syria’s sovereignty was less important than Turkey’s own.

"This has absolutely nothing to do with sovereign rights of states that cannot maintain their territorial integrity. On the contrary, this is about protecting Turkey’s sovereign rights," Erdogan said during a UNESCO Creative Cities Network event in Istanbul.

The US-led coalition against Daesh will buy an unspecified amount of non-standard ammunition from
Turkey Killed 3,000 Terrorists, Suffered Worst From Fighting Them - Erdogan

International Monetary Fund Faces Pressure From Germany Over Greece .


By Marcus Walker
May 12, 2016 10:38 a.m. ET

ATHENS—In Europe’s battle with the International Monetary Fund over Greece, Germany has a way to win.

Germany, Europe’s dominant economic power, is leaning heavily on the IMF to accept hypothetical assurances that Greece’s debt burden will be addressed in the future if needed, rather than the definite and far-reaching debt relief that the IMF wanted, according to people familiar with the talks.

Berlin believes the IMF will have to accept what’s on offer, even if IMF staff are unhappy about it, these people say. The IMF is also under heavy European pressure to accept Greek austerity policies that are less specific than the cuts the IMF wanted. An accord hasn’t been reached yet, and some warn it could take several weeks.

The IMF’s Achilles' heel: Its board is controlled by Germany, other European Union countries, and the U.S., none of whom want a new crisis over Greece. That power reality weakens the IMF’s threat to pull out of the Greek bailout if it is unsatisfied.

The EU currently faces multiple challenges that threaten to unravel the 60-year-old project of European integration, including the U.K.’s referendum on leaving the bloc, the migration crisis, and the rise of EU-skeptic populist parties. Germany and other European governments have no appetite for another round of brinkmanship over Greece like in 2015, and want a deal in coming weeks that settles Greece’s future—at least for now.

Any deal is nevertheless likely to include some important concessions to the IMF. German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble—who until recently adopted the hard-line stance in public that Greece needs no debt relief at all—has already permitted discussions to start this week about how eurozone loans to Greece might be restructured in the future.

A deal, which many European officials are now confident of reaching in late May or early June, is expected to include a promise by Germany and other eurozone countries to keep Greece’s debt burden below a certain threshold. That promise would entail easing the terms of Greece’s loans “if necessary.”

Crucially for Berlin, however, any decision to restructure the loans would be delayed until 2018—after Germany’s 2017 elections. Mr. Schäuble and his boss, Chancellor Angela Merkel, are determined to avoid, for now, any material change to Greece’s bailout plan that would force them to hold an awkward debate in Germany’s parliament, the Bundestag, according to people familiar with their thinking.

An accord on Greek debt and austerity would allow Athens to stay afloat this summer, when large bonds fall due. But it is unlikely to resolve the country’s seven-year-old debt crisis. Participants in the troubled bailout are braced for further drawn-out negotiations in coming years about Greece’s fiscal and other overhauls.

The main source of this year’s re-escalation of the Greek debt saga is Germany’s insistence that it cannot release any further bailout funds unless the IMF agrees to resume its own lending to Athens. IMF lending has been in limbo since last July, when IMF staff stated that “Greece’s public debt has become highly unsustainable.”

The IMF is also struggling to uphold its demands on Greece’s fiscal overhauls. IMF head Christine Lagarde, in a letter to eurozone finance ministers last week, rejected Greece’s proposed formula for extra savings in case fiscal targets are missed as “ad hoc,” “not very credible” and falling short of proper reforms to Greece’s public sector.

On Monday, however, Europe accepted a modified version of Greece’s proposal. The agreement leaves open how Greece would make its budget savings permanent. The IMF previously wanted Greece to legislate concrete measures, but is now likely to win only a looser commitment, leaving many policy specifics to be negotiated in the future, according to people close to the talks.

Here too, the IMF has come under pressure from its shareholders to dilute its demands on Athens.

Greece’s finance minister, Euclid Tsakalotos, has succeeded in convincing Mr. Schäuble that further cuts in pensions, as the IMF wanted, are politically beyond what the Greek government can deliver, say people familiar with the matter.

Η ιδιοκτησιακή γενοκτονία στην Χιμάρα χρηματοδοτείται απ' την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση

Πέμπτη 12 Μαΐου 2016, 21:27

Την μεγάλη εβδομάδα του Πάσχα, το Κόμμα Ένωση Ανθρωπίνων Δικαιωμάτων που αντιπροσωπεύει την Ελληνική Εθνική μειονότητα στην Αλβανία, κατηγόρησε την Αλβανική κυβέρνηση πως διαπράττει "ιδιοκτησιακή γενοκτονία" στα χωριά της Χιμάρας Βουνό και Δρυμάδες, με αφορμή τις κατεδαφίσεις σπιτιών και επιχειρήσεων και την αφαίρεση τίτλων ιδιοκτησίας από ελληνικές οικογένειες.

Οι δυνάμεις της πολεοδομικής αστυνομίας (IKMT) και του Αλβανικού στρατού, μέχρι στιγμής έχουν κατεδαφίσει 25 κτίρια και κατασκευές στα χωριά Δρυμάδες και Βουνό, δηλώνοντας ότι αυτό αποτελεί μέρος του σχεδίου ανάπτυξης της περιοχής της Χιμάρας που εφαρμόζει η Αλβανική κυβέρνηση. Οι επιχειρήσεις κατεδαφίσεων κτιρίων στα χωριά αυτά συνεχίζονται μέχρι και σήμερα και αναμένετε να επεκταθούν και στην παλαιά Χιμάρα με απώτερο σκοπό την κατεδάφιση κτιρίων και επιχειρήσεων που έχουν κτιστεί στα χωριά αυτά μετά το 1991.

H οργάνωση Κοινότητα Χιμαριωτών (Komuniteti Himariot) με έδρα τα Τίρανα , καταγγέλλει ότι το σχέδιο αυτό ονομάζεται "Ανάπτυξη Αλβανικών Άλπεων και παραθαλάσσιων περιοχών τού Ιονίου" και χρηματοδοτείτε από την Ευρωπαική Ένωση μέσω της Τράπεζας Ανάπτυξης (CEB) του Ευρωπαϊκού Συμβουλίου, η οποία διαχειρίζεται κονδύλια της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Τα διαθέσιμα κονδύλια από την Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση για το σχέδιο αυτό ανέρχετε στα 28.700.000 Ευρώ και η συμμετοχή της Αλβανικής κυβέρνησης περιορίζετε μόνο στην πληρωμή του ΦΠΑ που ανέρχεται στα 6.000.000 Ευρώ.

Σύμφωνα με δημοσιεύσεις στην επίσημη ιστοσελίδα του Αλβανικού Ταμείου Ανάπτυξης (FSHZH) που διαχειρίζεται και επιβλέπει τα κονδύλια, το σχέδιο προβλέπει την εκτέλεση έργων και μελετών που προσβλέπουν στην ανάπτυξη της περιοχής της Χιμάρας. Αλλά όπως καταγγέλλει η οργάνωση "Κοινότητα Χιμαριωτών" και από τις αρνητικές εξελίξεις με τις κατεδαφίσεις κτισμάτων που ανήκουν σε ελληνικές οικογένειες, το όλο σχέδιο χρησιμοποιείται για την εφαρμογή της ιδιοκτησιακής γενοκτονίας του πληθυσμού της περιοχής της Χιμάρας.

Το σκηνικό αυτό φέρνει στις μνήμες μας τις αρνητικές εξελίξεις του 2007, όταν σπίτια και επιχειρήσεις κατοίκων της παραθαλάσσιας περιοχής Γυάλι και Χιμάρας, κατεδαφίστηκαν στα "πλαίσια εφαρμογής" του σχεδίου ανάπτυξης που χρηματοδοτήθηκε με 50.000.000 δολάρια από την Παγκόσμια Τράπεζα. Τα χρήματα ξοδεύτηκαν και το μόνο έργο που έγινε ήταν οι κατεδαφίσεις σπιτιών και επιχειρήσεων, στο όνομα της εφαρμογής του σχεδίου ανάπτυξης της Παγκόσμιας Τράπεζας.

Η οργάνωση Κοινότητα Χιμαριωτών έχει ζητήσει εξηγήσεις από την αντιπροσωπία της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης στην Αλβανία και από το γραφείο διαχείρισης του σχετικού κονδυλίου στα Τίρανα και αναμένει απαντήσεις και την τοποθέτηση τους αναφορικά με το σκοπό του σχεδίου και τις εξελίξεις στην Χιμάρα όπου η κατεδαφίσεις γίνονται στο όνομα του σχεδίου που χρηματοδοτεί η ΕΕ.

Ο Εκσκαφέας

Albanian Construction Portal
Fondi Shqiptar i Zhvillimit

Albania, another scandal against the Greeks of Himara: demolished houses, in the name of projects for tourism, financed by the European Bank

The Himara Community, informed the headquarters of the Council of Europe and the Bank for Development, for the demolition of the homes and businesses of citizens with Greek descent in Himara Region, after the action of the authorities of the Inspectorate INUK and the Albanian Army, in Drymades, Vuno and Himara.

About 25 homes and businesses, on the grounds that "going through the plan of reconstruction of historic centers," a project funded by The Council of Europe and the Bank for Development, with 28 million euro, for the development of tourism in the Alps and Ionian Coast of Albania, added revolt among residents after their homes were demolished on charges "that are illegal construction".


The situation is similar developments for the demolition of the village Jali, of Himara Region in 2007 by the government of the PM Berisha, in collaboration with the program of the World Bank, for "the development of the southern coast of Albania", which ended in a scandal with international dimensions, which included important directors of the Bank.

  "We ask," Pardon "for the residents who collapsed houses, The World Bank, there is no funding programs for the Albanian government, through acts of vandalism to increase poverty and revolt against residents who were corrupt homes and economy", was that the response of the World Bank, which followed the path of an International Court with the Albanian government.

But there is no explanation for the acts of vandalism of the Albanian government, they are continuing without stopping, which has taken actions for breach of households of citizens with Greek descent. Shameful act is the involvement of the Albanian Army, which is terrorizing residents, most of Pensioners.
Meanwhile, The Himara Community, a non-governmental organization, financed by USAID sometimes has requested explanations from the Office of the EU Delegation in Albania, as part of the financing the Program: "" Restoration and urban requalification of the territory in Dhërmi (Drymades in Greek) and Vuno Villages ", in order to Develop tourism 'economic progress as well as through restoration, conservation and Rehabilitation of traditional houses Areas and cultural heritage.

The Institute of Monuments of Culture of Albania, which is responsible for the project, states that are to be demolished 45 buildings hotels up in 5 floors, in Drymades and Vuno, but according to sources from Himara, damage caused by demolition of 25 buildings so far, it can be estimated around 1 million euro, whose people, are facing difficulties to criminally prosecuted and responsible actions of the Albanian government.

This confusion and terror against the population, inhabited by ethnic Greek community, in Drymades and Vuno, comes after the authority of the State Inspectorate, demolished Church of Agia Athanasios, last year, which was dishonored in a diplomatic conflict between Albania and Greece, brought consequences irreparable to the opening of negotiations for Albania to the EU. Greece decided "Veto", to the report of the European Commission, to force Albania, to respect the freedoms and human rights and in particular the Greeks living in Himara Region.

Assignment Description: The Government of Albania has received a loan from the Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB) in an of EURO 28,700,000 toward the cost of the “Community Works IV: Development of the Albanian Alps and Coastal Areas” Project, and it intends to apply a portion of the proceeds of this loan to eligible payments for goods, works, related services and consulting services to be procured under this project. The (Development of the Albanian Alps and the coastal area") project which is partly financed by the European Union.

Χιμάρα: Κατεδαφίζουν κτίρια και καταστρέφουν ανθρώπους

Μαζικές κατεδαφίσεις κατοικιών στο χωριό Δρυμάδες προγραμματίζει η αλβανική Κυβέρνηση

Δράσεις κατά της αναζωπύρωσης του αλβανικού ανθελληνισμού

Διεθνοποιείται η υφαρπαγή των περιουσιών Ελλήνων στους Δρυμάδες

EXCLUSIVE- World Bank Demolished Albania Village
A World Bank project meant to safeguard Albania’s coastal zones was used to selectively demolish parts of a village in southern Albania and leave many families homeless,  according to an internal report , which additionally notes allegations of corruption and efforts by World Bank officials to cover up the events .
- See more at:

Wednesday, May 11, 2016

Drug kingpin allegedly linked to Albanian government

Police handout photo of some of the drugs seized.


After an investigation that lasted for at least a year, police have uncovered an international ring worth hundreds of millions of euros that supplied Europe with drugs, and are looking for one of its leaders, who allegedly has links to the Albanian government.

The 44-year-old suspect, who had a drug-related criminal record, had been appointed by the government to oversee transport issues in the town of Saranda in Albania in 2014 despite being accused of being a drug lord by opposition parties in the neighboring country.

Fifteen people have so far been arrested – 13 Greeks and two Albanian nationals – in raids conducted last Sunday in the Attica municipalities of Afidnes, Aspropyrgos, Glyka Nera, Ymittos, Korydallos, Kallithea and Kifissia, the islands of Salamina and Zakynthos, and Veria, northern Greece. A total of 678.5 kilos of cannabis hidden on an islet off Zakynthos was confiscated.

Investigations are also reportedly being conducted in Belgium. According to the police narcotics unit, the ring, which has been active since at least 2014, used trucks and speedboats to transport huge quantities of cannabis and cocaine to Greece, Albania, Bulgaria, Spain, the Netherlands, Britain, Austria, Belgium and Norway.

Police said the drugs were imported to Greece via speedboats from Albania and then distributed to Europe through a bogus Greece-based international truck transport company with subsidiaries in Bulgaria and Austria.

Tuesday, May 10, 2016

Erdogan's Threat to Open Borders Prompts EU to Devise Greek Islands Plan

 Refugees and migrants disembark on a beach after crossing a part of the Aegean sea from the Turkey's coast to the northeastern Greek island of Lesbos, on Sunday, Jan. 3, 2016

© AP Photo/ Santi Palacios
10:10 10.05.2016

The EU is considering alternatives to the migrant deal it struck with the Turkish government, one of which is to use Greek islands as reception centers, the German newspaper Bild reported.

Turkey Accused of Blackmail as Erdogan Hardens Line Against Europe
The islands of the Aegean may become temporary reception centers for migrants if the 6 billion euro ($6.8 billion) deal with Turkey falls through; in that case, the EU will send the money to Athens instead, German newspaper Bild reported on Tuesday.

EU officials are making contingency plans because of the increasing likelihood that Turkey will not fulfil the conditions of its migrant deal, which was struck in November following negotiations between former Turkish Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu and the EU Council.

The deal contains 72 requirements that Ankara must meet in order to receive 6 billion euros in financial aid, a speeding up of the EU accession process, and visa-free travel in the Schengen zone for Turkish citizens. In return, the EU wants Turkey to control its borders and prevent illegal migration to Europe.

On Friday, the day after Prime Minister Davutoglu left the government, reportedly due to a disagreement with President Erdogan's policies, the President made a speech in which he stated "we will go our way, you go yours," and publicly rejected the request to reform Turkey's anti-terror laws.

An EU minister told Bild on Sunday that as a result of apprehension about Turkey's willingness to adhere to the agreement and Erdogan's threats to open Turkey's border with Europe, contingency preparations are being made to find another resolution, one of which involves using Greek islands as migrant reception centers.

In this case, asylum seekers would have their claims processed on the islands, and those who are refused asylum will be deported back to their home country.

The six billion euros promised to Turkey (100 million of which has been disbursed), to pay for the housing of asylum seekers would therefore go to Athens instead, and ferries to the mainland from the islands would be suspended, Bild reported.

Karl-Georg Wellmann of Angela Merkel's Christian Democratic Union political party commented that controlling the borders of the EU must be the main priority.

"In any case we have to take proper precautions: protecting the EU's borders and handling asylum cases locally on the islands, not on the mainland, and deporting those who are not refugees," the politician told Bild.

Η υπόθεση των Τσάμηδων ενώπιον της Χάγης νέα επικίνδυνη τροπή

09 Μάιος 2016

Στις 15:00 το μεσημέρι της Τρίτης 17 Μαΐου 2016, αναμένεται να συζητηθεί από το Διεθνές Δικαστήριο της Χάγης, το ζήτημα της προ τριμήνου προσφυγής των οργανώσεων των «Τσάμηδων», κατά της Ελλάδος. Η παραπομπή του ζητήματος στη Χάγη αφενός διεθνοποιεί την υπόθεση, αφετέρου η οποιαδήποτε απόφαση θεωρείται δεσμευτική για τα εμπλεκόμενα - αντίδικα μέρη.

Γράφει ο Παούνης Νικόλαος

Υπενθυμίζεται ότι την Παρασκευή 12 Φεβρουαρίου 2016, κατατέθηκε στο Δ.Δ.Χ. πολυσέλιδος φάκελος, γραμμένος σε 3 γλώσσες (Αγγλικά, Γαλλικά & Γερμανικά), με τέσσερα κύρια αιτήματα προς εξέταση:

Α) την αναγνώριση της συντελεσθείσας Γενοκτονίας κατά των Τσάμηδων, βάσει των διατάξεων της Σύμβασης της Γενοκτονίας του 1948.
Β) τον επαναπατρισμό όλων των εκδιωχθέντων-εκτοπισμένων Τσάμηδων.
Γ) την επιστροφή όλων των ακινήτων.
Δ) τη διερεύνηση διάπραξης εγκλημάτων κατά της Ανθρωπότητας, από τις ελληνικές κυβερνήσεις τις περιόδου 1913-1945.
Στη συνεδρίαση θα παραστεί ο FestimLato, «Πρόεδρος του Δημοκρατικού Ιδρύματος της Τσαμουριάς» (Fondacioni Demokratik Çamëria), γνωστός στη γείτονα χώρα για τα κατά καιρούς ανθελληνικά παραληρήματα, ενώ την ίδια ώρα έξω από το κτίριο του Δ.Δ.Χ. θα βρίσκεται σε εξέλιξη διαδήλωση υποστήριξης από τις Ομογενειακές Αλβανικές Οργανώσεις της Διασποράς. Εικάζεται ότι οι ίδιοι εξτρεμιστικοί κύκλοι, ανακινούν ανα τακτά χρονικά διαστήματα και ζήτημα «Αρβανιτών» (υπό την έννοια ότι αποτελούν αλβανικό εκχριστιανισμένο φύλο), επιθυμώντας να θέσουν τις μελλοντικές βάσεις για την ύπαρξη πολυπληθούς μειονότητας, στα υπό διεκδίκηση εδάφη.
Είναι φανερό ότι στη γειτονική χώρα αναβιώνει (κυρίως μετά την επέμβαση στο Κοσσυφοπέδιο), ένας πρωτόγνωρος εθνικισμός ενταγμένος στο πλαίσιο της λεγόμενης εθνικής αποκατάστασης, σύμφωνα με τη «Λίγκα του Πρίζρεν». Ο αλβανικός μεγαλοϊδεατισμός ανατροφοδοτήθηκε μετά την επιτυχή έκβαση των συγκρούσεων σε Tetovo, Gostivar και Aracinovo στην Π.Γ.Δ.Μ. (2001).
Η δικαστική διαμάχη θα λάβει χώρα σε μια περίοδο έντονων φραστικών επιθέσεων κατά της Ελλάδας, από τον κυβερνητικό εταίρο του EdiRama, και πρόεδρο του Kόμματος της Τσαμουρίας (Partia Drejtësi, Integrim dhe Unitet) κύριο Shpëtim Idrizi, ενώ σύμφωνα με ελληνικά δημοσιεύματα μεθοδεύεται και η υφαρπαγή ελληνικών περιουσιών από το ίδιο καθεστώς στην περιοχή της Χιμάρας.
Προς το παρόν η Αθήνα τηρεί σιγή ιχθύος.

Turkish Coast Guard provoking & harassing Hellenic Navy.


Η εξαγορά και ενοχοποίηση των εκπροσώπων της ελληνικής μειονότητας και η απειλούμενη εθνική της ταυτότητα


Του Παναγιώτη Μπάρκα

Πρόσφατα ο ηγέτης της σλαβομακεδονικής αντιπολίτευσης κατηγόρησε δημόσια (νόμιμα) σημαίνοντες αλβανούς πολιτικούς στην Πρώην Γιουγκοσλαβική Δημοκρατία της Μακεδονίας για συνεργασία με μυστικές και δημόσιες κρατικές δομές της γείτονος χώρας για ιδία πολιτικά και οικονομικά οφέλη.
Η κατηγορία αυτή αποτέλεσε το έναυσμα για την ανάλυση παρόμοιας χειραγώγησης διαχρονικά πολιτικών εκπροσώπων της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας στην Αλβανία, αλλά εις βάρος των συμφερόντων της ιδίας μειονότητας. Για την επιβεβαίωση της εξαγοράς και ενοχοποίησης των ιθυνόντων της μειονότητας δε θα χρησιμοποιήσουμε τα ίδια μέσα (τηλ. υποκλοπές), αλλά διαφορετική προσέγγιση. Θα αντιπαραθέσουμε αφενός μεν την πραγματικότητα πολλαπλών διακρίσεων εις βάρος της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας, τη δημογραφική αλλοίωσή της, τον οικονομικό αφανισμό ακόμα και στις περιοχές με συμπαγή πληθυσμό, τον περιορισμό και αποκλεισμό της εν λόγω μειονότητας από το πολιτικό και οικονομικό ενδιαφέρον του κράτους και των διεθνών οργανισμών. Αφετέρου δε, τίθεται το θέμα της πολιτικής επιβίωσης των πολιτικών εκπροσώπων της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας, όχι με τις δικές της ψήφους, αλλά ως «επιθυμία» των αλβανικών πολιτικών δομών, της ξέφρενης αύξησης των περιουσιακών τους στοιχείων, την καθήλωση με γεωμετρική πρόοδο των προσπαθειών τους για την προστασία των δικαιωμάτων της μειονότητας. Το γεγονός αυτό αποτελεί το πιο αδιάσειστο στοιχείο της εξαγοράς και της ενοχοποίησης αυτών των πολιτικών εκπροσώπων.
Τα παραδείγματα που ακολουθούν δεν αποδεικνύουν απλά την εν λόγω εξαγορά και χειραγώγηση, τις διαστάσεις και τη διάρκειά της, αλλά αποδεικνύουν και τους λόγους και τη σκοπιμότητά τους.
Ομάδα νέων της μειονότητας κατέχει έγγραφα που αποδεικνύουν ότι μόνο σε περιοχές με συμπαγή μειονοτικό πληθυσμό στους νομούς Αγίων Σαράντα και Δελβίνου με πλαστά έγγραφα, με στημένες δικαστικές αποφάσεις κατά παράβαση του νόμου, είτε με παρεμφερείς αποφάσεις άλλων κρατικών δομών, έχει αλλάξει η κυριότητα  σε 220 χιλιάδες στρέμματα γης της εν λόγω κοινότητας. Με τους μηχανισμούς αυτούς οι παραπάνω εκτάσεις επέστρεψαν στους δήθεν πρώην ιδιοκτήτες, οι οποίοι δεν έχουν καμιά σχέση με την ελληνική μειονότητα. (Για τις 120 χιλιάδες στρέμματα υπάρχουν οι συγκεκριμένοι φάκελοι με τις νομικές παραβιάσεις και καταχρήσεις, ενώ για τις υπόλοιπες 100 χιλιάδες η διαδικασία συνεχίζεται.) Κοινωνικά, πολιτικά και ιστορικά το φαινόμενο αυτό πρέπει να θεωρηθεί ως νεοοθωμανοποίηση  του χώρου της ελληνικής μειονότητας, επειδή τα έγγραφα, πλαστά ή μη, βάσει των οποίων γίνεται η αλλαγή κυριότητας των περιουσιών ανάγονται στην Οθωμανική Αυτοκρατορία. Γίνεται λόγος για διεκδικήσεις που ανάγονται τουλάχιστον μετά τον 16ο  αιώνα, τότε που το ισλαμικό καθεστώς της αυτοκρατορίας υφάρπαζε δια της βίας τη γη των χριστιανών που δεν αλλαξοπιστούσαν για να ανταμείψει όσους εξισλαμιζόταν και ετίθεντο στην υπηρεσία της αυτοκρατορίας. Ο νεοοθωμανισμός εξελίσσεται αθόρυβα, με κοινωνική και θεσμική ανοχή σε ολόκληρη την Αλβανία, πλην όμως στην περίπτωση της ελληνικής μειονότητας το φαινόμενο σχετίζεται ουσιαστικά με τη διατήρηση της εθνικής της ταυτότητας. Τόσο το χειρότερο που τα στοιχεία αποδεικνύουν ότι δε γίνεται λόγος για άμεσους «κληρονόμους» ανά τους αιώνες (αδύνατο να συμβεί), αλλά για άτομα που σήμερα κατέχουν πολιτική εξουσία ή πολιτικό μέσο για κατάχρηση και παράβαση του νόμου.
Αφετέρου, διαπιστώνεται το συγκλονιστικό γεγονός πως το εν λόγω φαινόμενο παράνομης ιδιοποίησης περιουσιών της μειονότητας το ανέχτηκε και το ενθάρρυνε την περίοδο 1998-1999 ο νύν Πρόεδρος του ΚΕΑΔ και τότε Πρόεδρος της Ομόνοιας Βαγγέλης Ντούλες και οι διάδοχοί του όπως ο Β. Μπολάνος, φαινόμενο που συνεχίζεται έως και σήμερα. Ο Ντούλες υπονόμευσε τότε τη μαζική πολιτική διαμαρτυρία της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας κατά του φαινομένου αυτού που πρωτοεμφανιζόταν. Η διαμαρτυρία απαιτούσε ουσιαστικά την αποτροπή της διαδικασίας νεοοθωμανοποίησης της εν λόγω μειονότητας, αλλά και ολόκληρης της χώρας.
Νομικά κανένας τίτλος ιδιοκτησίας αυτής της κατηγορίας δεν δύναται να νομιμοποιηθεί χωρίς την έγκριση των ιθυνόνόντων της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης. Οι ιθύνοντες της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης στις μειονοτικές περιοχές, ως επί το πλείστον εκπρόσωποι του ΚΕΑΔ και της Ομόνοιας, όχι μόνο δεν αντιστάθηκαν, όχι μόνο υπέγραψαν για τις ιδιοποιήσεις αυτές, αλλά σε ορισμένες υποθέσεις έγιναν ψευτομάρτυρες υπέρ των αρπακτικών αυτών.
Επίσης, για όσο διάστημα οι εν λόγω τοπικοί άρχοντες ασκούσαν ακόμα τα καθήκοντά τους, ουδείς εκ των δήθεν πρώην ιδιοκτητών δεν διεκδικούσε την πραγματική αναγνώριση της «περιουσίας». Αμέσως μετά τη λήξη της θητείας τους στην τοπική αυτοδιοίκηση, «οι πρώην ιδιοκτήτες» έσπευδαν να τοποθετήσουν πασσάλους στην «περιουσία» τους. Εξάλλου στη Λιβαδειά, στην Κουλουρίτσα, στο Κώσταρι, στο Ραντάτι και αλλού, γίνονται βίαιοι. Ζητούν από τους μειονοτικούς να εγκαταλείψουν και τα σπίτια τους, επειδή, κατά τους ισχυρισμούς τους, τα έχουν κτίσει στις «περιουσίες» τους. Στο Κώσταρι του Δελβίνου ορισμένα άτομα με την ανοχή των ηγετών της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης της μειονότητας και των κρατικών οργάνων, περιέφραξαν δια της βίας περισσότερα από 120 εκτάρια γη ιδιοκτησία της κοινότητας. Σήμερα απειλούν τους κατοίκους της κοινότητας με ποταπούς εκβιασμούς για να παραιτηθούν από το αίτημά τους για την αποκατάσταση του νόμου. Στο χωριό Ραντάτι Αργυροκάστρου, αυτοί οι τραμπούκοι-ιδιοκτήτες, ζητούν από τους ντόπιους Έλληνες Μειονοτικούς να τους δώσουν τις γυναίκες τους, με αντάλλαγμα την άδεια να βοσκήσουν τα ζώα τους στα εδάφη τα οποία με νόμο είναι των Ελλήνων.
Για την εξαγορά και ενοχοποίηση των εκπροσώπων της μειονότητας μαρτυρεί και το γεγονός όπου πλέον των 20 ετών το ΚΕΑΔ συμμετέχει εναλλάξ στις κυβερνήσεις της χώρας, πλην όμως δεν προέβη σε καμιά ενέργεια για την αποτροπή των εν λόγω παράφορων παραβιάσεων εις βάρος της ελληνικής μειονότητας. Εξάλλου οι τοπικοί άρχοντες της μειονότητας, συναυτουργοί στη δημιουργηθείσα κατάσταση, θωπεύονται από την ηγεσία του κόμματος αυτού. Επίσης, η νέα ηγεσία της Ομόνοιας είναι προϊόν στήριξης των ιθυνόντων των επαρχιών και των δήμων της μειονότητας. Το γεγονός που και εκείνη δεν καταγγέλλει καμιά από τις κατασκευασμένες αποφάσεις των κρατικών οργάνων που αφορούν εκατοντάδες χιλιάδες στρέμματα γης μειονοτικών παράνομα ιδιοποιημένης, αλλά και κανέναν εκ των ηγετών αυτών, ενοχοποιεί επικίνδυνα και την Ομόνοια.
Την περίοδο που η Αλβανία επικύρωνε τη Σύμβαση Πλαίσιο της ΣΕ για την Προστασία των Μειονοτήτων (1999-2001) η οποία παρέχει ιδιαίτερο βάρος στις περιοχές με συμπαγή μειονοτικό πληθυσμό, η Ομόνοια και το ΚΕΑΔ, αποφάσισαν να παραιτηθούν από τις περιοχές με συμπαγή ελληνικό μειονοτικό πληθυσμό. Προέβησαν στην ενέργεια αυτή με πρόσχημα τη δήθεν νέα κατάσταση ατομικής προστασίας των δικαιωμάτων του ανθρώπου και όχι συλλογικά. (Το αντίθετο έπρεπε να συμβεί.) Ένα δεύτερο επιχείρημα του πολιτικού ηγέτη της μειονότητας για την απόφαση αυτή σχετίζεται με τη δημιουργία ευνοϊκού κλίματος για τα δικαιώματα των Χιμαραίων που αποδεχόταν την ελληνική εθνικότητα. Όμως, τι συνέβη στην πράξη; Η απόφαση αυτή άνοιξε το δρόμο πολιτογράφησης στις περιοχές με συμπαγή ελληνικό πληθυσμό περίπου χιλίων οικογενειών αλβανικής εθνικότητας. Οι πολιτογραφήσεις αυτές έγιναν συνειδητά από τους τοπικούς άρχοντες της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας, γεγονός που, δεδομένου του φαινομένου μαζικής μετανάστευσης των μειονοτικών, αποτελεί επικίνδυνη δημογραφική αλλοίωση στις περιοχές αυτές. To Αλύκο, το Βρυώνι, η Τσούκα, η Φοινίκη, το Μεσοπόταμο, η Λιβαδειά και άλλες κοινότητες έχουν αλλάξει εξ ολοκλήρου τη δημογραφική τους σύνθεση. Συν τοις άλλοις το φαινόμενο αυτό συνοδεύτηκε με την παροχή αδειών αγοράς γης και επενδύσεων σε αλβανούς επιχειρηματίες. (Το φαινόμενο είναι πιο έντονο στις πιο ζωτικές και συμπαγείς περιοχές της μειονότητας.) Επίσης, στις περιοχές αυτές, και προπάντων στη Χιμάρα, εφαρμόστηκε νέος μηχανισμός αλλοίωσης της κυριότητας των περιουσιών. Κατασκευάστηκαν αποφάσεις επιστροφής περιουσιών οι οποίες δήθεν ωφελούσαν τους Έλληνες μειονοτικούς. Στην πραγματικότητα οι περιουσίες (εκτάσεις γης) δίδονταν τυπικά σε Έλληνες μειονοτικούς υπό την προϋπόθεση στη συνέχεια να πωλούνταν (έναντι προκαθορισμένης τιμής) σε συγκεκριμένα άτομα αλβανικής εθνικότητας στενά συνδεδεμένα με ανώτερους πολιτικούς. Το σχήμα εφαρμοζόταν εν γνώσει και με τη βούληση των εκπροσώπων της μειονότητας. Στην καταγγελία του Πρωθυπουργού Έντι Ράμα στην οποία αναφέρεται ότι έχουν ιδιοποιηθεί παρανόμως 50 χιλιάδες εκτάρια γη στην περιοχή του Μπρεγκντέτ (παραλίας Ιονίου, Χιμάρας-Αγίων Σαράντα) από την Κυβέρνηση Μπερίσα, αναφέρεται και στο μηχανισμό αυτό.
Τον ίδιο σκοπό εξυπηρετούσε και η επιλεκτική κατεδάφιση (βάσει εθνικής και πολιτικής ταυτότητας) αυθαιρέτων στην περιοχή της Χιμάρας. Και όμως ουδεμία σοβαρή αντίδραση υπήρξε από την πολιτική ηγεσία της ελληνικής μειονότητας, όπως συμβαίνει και σήμερα με την απαλλοτρίωση κατά παράβαση του νόμου στους Δρυμάδες εις βάρος 120 κατοίκων.
Οι πολιτικοί της ελληνικής μειονότητας δεν αντιδρούν ούτε για την ενεργειακή κατάσταση στις περιοχές της μειονότητας. Οι Έλληνες μειονοτικοί είναι οι πιο συνεπείς πληρωτές ηλεκτρικής ενέργειας, και όμως έχουν το χειρότερο δυνατό δίκτυο παροχής ηλεκτροδότησης στη χώρα. (Βυθίζονται στο σκοτάδι ειδικά κατά τη διάρκεια εορτών.) Δεν αντιδρούν ούτε για το γεγονός όπου οι μειονοτικοί επιχειρηματίες λειτουργούν σε συνθήκες αθέμιτου ανταγωνισμού, επειδή απ΄ εκείνους απαιτείται απόλυτη συνέπεια έναντι των υποχρεώσεων προς το  δημόσιο, ενώ επιχειρηματίες του ίδιου κλάδου σε άλλες περιοχές σχεδόν δεν καταβάλλουν τις υποχρεώσεις τους προς το δημόσιο. Δεν αντιδρούν ούτε κατά του φαινομένου όπου οι μειονοτικοί αποτελούν συχνά αντικείμενο επιβολής πάσης φύσεως προστίμων, επειδή μόνο εκείνοι τα καταβάλλουν. Ο κρατικός προϋπολογισμός προβλέπει πενιχρά κονδύλια για τους δήμους της μειονότητας και μηδενικές επιδοτήσεις για την οικονομική τους ευρωστία. Και όμως ξανά δεν υπάρχει καμιά πολιτική αντίδραση από τους εκπροσώπους της εν λόγω μειονότητας.
Λοιπόν, η εξαγορά και ενοχοποίηση των εκπροσώπων της εθνικής ελληνικής μειονότητας από διάφορες κρατικές δομές ή άλλες δομές που παραβιάζουν το νόμο είναι υπαρκτή. Στη μειονότητα ψιθυρίζεται με νόημα πως η ζημιά που προκάλεσαν στη μειονότητα οι πολιτικοί της εκπρόσωποι όσον αφορά την εθνική ταυτότητα ξεπερνάει κατά πολύ και τους πολέμιους αυτής αλλά και τους ένθερμους Αλβανούς εθνικιστές. Στο σημείο αυτό τίθενται και κάποια άλλα ουσιώδη ερωτήματα (ρητορικά). Γιατί οι συγκεκριμένες κρατικές δομές τηρούν τη στάση αυτή έναντι της ελληνικής εθνικής μειονότητας; Γιατί ζητούν, έστω και σε συνεργασία με τους πολιτικούς της εκπροσώπους, ή μέσω αυτών, να την εξασθενίσουν, να τη διαβάλλουν, να την περιθωριοποιήσουν ή να την αλλοιώσουν;

Albania Mayor 'Forgets' Crime Charges in Germany

Elvis, or Ervin, Rroshi, mayor of Kavaja, has said in a statement issued under Albania's lustration law that while he faced charges in Germany some years ago, he does not remember why.
Gjergj Erebara

Albania PM Edi Rama campaigning with Kavaja mayor Elvis Rroshi. Photo: Facebook
An Albanian mayor has caused confusion by claiming he did not remember why he faced criminal charges in Munich, Germany, several years ago.
Elvis Rroshi, mayor of Kavaja since 2011, and a man often accused of having a criminal past, had to declare any prior charges and convictions to the Central Election Commission under the Law “On the Integrity of Persons Elected or Nominated in Public Offices”.
In his statement, which was leaked to the media on Sunday, he answered “Yes” to the question about whether he had ever faced criminal charges abroad and said that it happened in Munich “before 2002”.
However, he went on state that he did “not remember” why he faced charges and nor did he remember what the consequences of the charges were.
The law, approved last year in parliament after two years of discussions, obliges about 1,836 politicians and senior officials in Albania to declare whether they were ever charged or sentenced for criminal activity and authorizes the authorities to check their statements.
If they were accused of serious crimes, they must resign. If the lie in the statements, they have to resign as well.
The statements of the officials will later be verified through correspondence between Albania's General Prosecutor's Office and the authorities of other countries.
In a statement issued after the leak, Rroshi confirmed the admission but added that his troubles with German justice were related to his work as illegal immigrant and not to more serious breaches of the law.
“This happened because I was an illegal immigrant,” Rroshi said. “I have stated that I don’t remember the details because I would like to be accurate,” the statement added.
Rroshi is one of several politicians and other state officials accused of having criminal pasts or confirmed as having been sentenced for serious crimes, including murder, human trafficking and drug trafficking.
An earlier investigation by BIRN noted that Swiss police records show that Rroshi was the subject of criminal proceedings there from 1993 to 1997.

Albania and Kosovo: a 'new front' for jihadists

Three years ago, Albert and Yassin left their homes in Kosovo and Albania to wage jihad in Syria. Now they're back, swelling the ranks of jihadists in a region the Islamic State has called a "new front" in Europe.
Yassin, 30, who now works as a halal butcher in a downtrodden suburb of Albania's capital Tirana, refused to give his real name out of fear of repercussions. Wounded in Syria's battered northern city of Aleppo in 2014, the father-of-three told how he left "to help the Syrian people" and hopes Allah will recognise his sacrifice, even if he did not die a martyr.
Albert Berisha, a 29-year-old political science graduate, says he took an "emotional decision" to leave for the Middle East "after seeing on TV and social media what was happening in Syria."
Berisha has not escaped the attention of the authorities however: Last month, he was sentenced to three and a half years behind bars.
Authorities say around 300 Kosovans and up to 120 Albanians have left to wage jihad in Syria – placing them among the most affected per capita by the jihadist phenomenon. Around 30 combatants have returned to Albania and 120 to Kosovo, according to government estimates.
Albanian religious affairs analyst Ermir Gjinishi warned that "if we do not integrate them back into society, if we marginalise them, former combatants returning to the country could ... be provoked into extreme actions."
An Islamic State propaganda video last year entitled "Honour is in Jihad: a message to the people of the Balkans" described the region as a "new front" for jihad in Europe. "Black days are coming to you," a Kosovan fighter warns the governments of Kosovo, Albania and Macedonia. "You will be terrorised."
Muslims in Kosovo and Albania have historically been liberal, but on the streets of Pristina, women in full veils and bearded men with trousers cropped at the ankles hint at a latent radicalisation.
Ilir Kulla, former head of Albania's "State Committee of Cults", said would-be jihadist recruiters find their job made easier by "the economic situation, a (low) level of education and Internet brainwashing."
According to World Bank figures, the average monthly wage in Kosovo is a measly $330 (290 euros), slightly higher in Albania at $370. And while money is not the main driving force behind the departures for Syria, an Albanian police officer said a fighter in an IS unit would earn more than double that and $2,000 as a commander.
Visar Duriqi, a Kosovo-based expert in religion, noted: "Kosovo was economically devastated in the war and its economic recovery is still slow, which is creating many social problems."
The authorities in the region are fighting back and claiming some success. "No Kosovan has joined a terrorist group in the past six months," said president Hashim Thaci, who told journalists in February he had himself received death threats from Islamic State. Albania's deputy interior minister Elona Gjebrea said "no Albanian had left the country" for Syria since 2014.
In both places, authorities have clamped down on returning jihadists and those who recruit them, with an increasing number of arrests and trials.
On Tuesday, Albania jailed nine men for up to 18 years for financing and recruiting fighters – the first trial of its kind.
As the verdicts were handed down, the defendants shouted "Allahu Akbar (God is greatest). Traitors. Our time will come. You will be punished."
The prime minister of Albania, Edi Rama, has introduced religious education in schools to fight against ignorance and what he called "demagogues, charlatans and manipulators." One of those people Rama is targeting is Almir Daci, an Iman who ran a network responsible for sending 70 people – including women and children – to Syria. The 34-year-old helped to transform Leshnice, Remenj and Zagorcan – villages near the Macedonian border where churches stand side-by-side with mosques – into a hotbed of jihadist recruitment.
Daci, alias Abu Bakr al-Albani, worked as the Iman in a neighbouring village of Pogradec and was one of the Islamic State group's main recruiters in Albania. His relatives received news from Syria that he had died last month but, as is often the case, there was no way of independently confirming this.
Hurma Alinji, 59, a neighbour of the Daci family, accuses Daci of being responsible for the death of her son, who died in Syria in 2014 aged 28.
"I blame Daci. He's the only one responsible. He pushed my son Ervis to leave," she said. Ervis worked in Greece but his family noticed radical changes in his behaviour after he began frequenting Daci's mosque.
Before he would happily watch his father swill raki but suddenly "refused to eat the meat" bought from the village and "cut the bottoms off his new trousers."
One evening in February 2013, he said his "brothers needed help." And left to die in Syria, like around 70 Albanians and Kosovans.    (AFP)

Monday, May 9, 2016












Turkey Accused of Blackmail as Erdogan Hardens Line Against Europe


© REUTERS/ Umit Bektas
16:13 09.05.2016

The Turkish President has reacted angrily to the European Commission after it insisted his government make changes to highly controversial anti-terror laws, as a condition of proposed visa-free travel in the EU.

In a speech in the city of Malatya, Turkey's President Erdogan said:

"On the question of visas, let those who call on Turkey to modify its anti-terrorism law start by removing tents set up by the terrorists at the doors of the European Parliament."

His comments are in reference to the presence of a group of Kurdish activists who protested in Brussels during March 2016.

​Erdogan's remarks are illustrative of the ongoing tensions between the Turkish government and organizations such as the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), whose classification as a terrorist organization by Turkey and its allies remains contentious.

A banner showing Turkish President Tayyip Erdogan and Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu (L) together during an election rally in the central Anatolian city of Konya, Turkey, October 30, 2015.

Turkey in Turmoil as Erdogan, Davutoglu Split Over Syria, Europe
The President's outburst toward the EU follows a tumultuous week in Turkish politics, in which the Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoglu announced that he would be standing down for no apparent reason.
This fueled speculation that the President Erdogan may be working towards constitutional changes that would see his office gain far greater control of the executive branches of government.

Human rights campaigners have been vocal over Turkey's implementation of the so-called anti-terror laws, claiming they have been used as a means to curb free speech and dissenting journalism. The recent high profile case of journalist Can Dundar, who reported the transporting of arms from Turkey to Syria — resulting in a six years prison sentence — is increasingly representative of Turkey's attitude towards dissent.

International Human Rights lawyer Margaret Owen, told Sputnik that attacks on free speech in Turkey are worse than they've ever been.

"There are more claims against Turkey upheld in the European Court of Human Rights than any other country. They have never even implemented the determinations of the EU Court of Human Rights, and claims against particular people that have been upheld — those people are still in their jobs," Owen told Sputnik.

​Visa relaxation between the EU and Turkey has often been touted as a likely precursor to the country's accession as a member state of the EU, a process over which President Erdogan has a surprising amount of leverage. This is because of Turkey's agreement to take in huge numbers of refugees fleeing to Europe. With that in mind, refusals to alter Turkey's anti-terror laws have been described as blackmail by European Council President Donald Tusk.

As Margaret Owen told Sputnik, Turkey has form on refusing to adhere to EU requirements, despite being a signatory to the EU Convention of Human rights:

"There's something called the Copenhagen Criteria, which are the conditions that states must comply with in order to be able to be accepted into the European Union, and Turkey has not complied with them."

​The EU-Turkey visa deal will need to be approved by 28 member states, and is technically contingent on a number of criteria on which Turkey falls short. However, Erdogan has repeatedly threatened to rescind any obligations regarding the refugee crisis, should the promised visa relaxation not go ahead.

Stratfor: In Europe, a Crisis in Every Direction


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During the early stages of the EU crisis, most threats to the survival of the Continental bloc came from its periphery. Back then the prevailing fear was that financial disaster in a southern member state — a default in Greece or Portugal, for example — could precipitate the eurozone's collapse, hurting northern nations such as Germany and the Netherlands in the process. Though the possibility still exists, a sort of inverse threat has emerged. Today, the steady rise of anti-establishment and Euroskeptic sentiments in Northern Europe, as exemplified in Austria and Germany, threatens the Continent's south.
In Austria's first round of presidential elections, held April 24, voters demonstrated the extent of their dissatisfaction with traditional parties. For the first time since the early 1950s, the country's president will not be a member of the traditional center-left Social Democrats or the conservative People's Party. Instead, candidates from the nationalist Freedom Party and Green Party, having received over 36 percent and roughly 20 percent of the vote, respectively, will face off in the May 22 runoff election. Although the president's role is mostly ceremonial, the vote nevertheless sends a clear signal to Vienna's moderate government.
What is a Geopolitical Diary?
A broad movement toward nationalism in Austrian politics would have an impact on several EU issues, including the migration crisis and bailouts for troubled eurozone members. Austria is one of the countries most affected by Europe's migration crisis: Statistics indicate that in 2015, asylum applications exceeded births in the country. So far, in response to the rise in immigration, Vienna has implemented several controversial unilateral measures, closing its border with Slovenia, introducing a quota on asylum applications and threatening to introduce controls at its border with Italy. Now, considering the recent success of the anti-immigration Freedom Party, the administration in Vienna may take a cue to continue toughening its position. If Austria's traditional parties feel that the Freedom Party's strong electoral showings jeopardize their own prospects — especially as they prepare for a 2018 general election — they might try to adopt a more nationalist agenda as well.
Italy is among the countries most worried by this trend, fearing that Vienna may close the borders with its southern neighbor in response to popular demands. This would sever one of the main migration routes between Italy and Northern Europe, which could, in turn, lead stranded migrants to camp at the Italian-Austrian border. Moreover, border closures, and even controls, would hurt bilateral trade and compound traffic congestion in one of Europe's most transited regions.
Greece, too, would feel the effects of a Euroskeptic Austrian government. Athens is currently trying to convince its fellow Schengen Agreement signatories that its efforts to protect the European Union's external borders are sufficient. To that end, Athens will present new plans for improved border controls to the EU Commission this week. If the plans are not well received, Greece could be suspended from the Schengen zone. At the same time, Greece is negotiating with its creditors to determine the reforms it must implement to receive its next tranche of bailout money and the contingency measures it will have to introduce if it fails to meet fiscal targets by 2018. As a member of Schengen and the eurozone, Austria will have a say on both issues. And pressures at home could force Vienna to take a tougher stance toward its southern colleague.
Beyond the implications for Southern Europe, Austria's political developments are notable for their relative similarity to Germany's. Opinion polls there show that the two largest German parties, the center-right Christian Democratic Union and the center-left Social Democratic Party, are losing ground to less moderate factions. The nationalist Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, for instance, is currently polling at around 14 percent.
AfD emerged as a collection of university professors and journalists critical of the eurozone, but soon evolved into an anti-immigration party. Chancellor Angela Merkel's open-door refugee policy was a boon for AfD, which saw its popular support double in a few months. But as the migrant flow into Germany has slowed, Alternative for Germany has sought additional ways to attract and maintain the Euroskeptic and nationalist vote. In an interview published April 24 in Frankfurt's Allgemeine Zeitung newspaper, Jorg Meuthen, a prominent AfD member, suggested a return to the party's roots. Meuthen argued that France and other Southern European countries should be excluded from the eurozone for their unwillingness to reform.
Among German political parties, Alternative for Germany is not alone in questioning the eurozone. Along with a large segment of its population, Germany's government is concerned about potential fallout in the country's financial sector from the European Central Bank's expansionary monetary policies. Both the center-right and the center-left have criticized the ECB, and German newspapers regularly discuss the bank's strategies. In early April, German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schaeuble allegedly blamed the ECB for the spike in AfD's popularity. Ironically, in expressing their own disapproval, the mainstream, pro-European parties affirm AfD's position.
Furthermore, Meuthen's statements reveal AfD's desire to weaken Europe's core political and economic partnership, the alliance between Germany and France. But for French nationalists, at least, AfD's idea may not seem like a bad one. France's National Front is equally skeptical of the euro, claiming that it has damaged France's economy and undermined its sovereignty. In fact, the party has promised to put eurozone membership to a referendum vote if it wins the 2017 presidential election. For its part, AfD recently announced that it would seek greater cooperation with like-minded parties. Mutual distaste for the eurozone, albeit for different reasons, could bring the two parties together.
The Euroskeptic trend poses a threat not only to the future of Southern Europe, but also to that of the Continental bloc as a whole. Surging nationalist sentiment could lead Northern European governments to isolate themselves from the south, closing borders or deciding that the eurozone would fare better without its problematic members. For now, Euroskepticism is much stronger in Austria, a wealthy but relatively small country with limited influence over EU affairs. Though a Euroskeptic Austria could make life more difficult for Southern Europe, it probably would not represent a systemic challenge for the European Union. Conversely, a Euroskeptic Germany could freeze or even reverse the process of Continental integration.

The Greek fleet, adds super modern submarine "Matrozos 122"

The Greek fleet, adds a modern family super submarine Type 214, which is produced in the Port of Ship Yard Skaramanga in Piraeus. This is the third submarine Type 214, after "Papanikolis S 120" and "Pipinos S 121", and is built the new submarine "Katsonis S 123" to the next year, which  will be part of the Greek fleet.

According to observers military equipment of the Greek fleet with 4 submarine Type 214, in recent times, it poses a threat in the Mediterranean, since these Submarines, have the capacity to stay long under the sea to 90 days, and to dive up to a depth 300 meters.

The modernization program of the Greek fleet, there are currently 12 active submarines in service, but production in ShipYard Skaramanga in Piraeus has more potential empowering the Greek fleet. In this port, they are also built three Greek frigate, the type MEKO 200.

The Constitutional Court of Albania, removes the mandate of Koco Kokëdhima, PS` MP

The Constitutional Court of Albania, has removed Koço Kokëdhima`s Socialist Deputy mandate, which was sent at this court by the Democratic Party's.

Kokëdhima, accused of illegal profit of public funds, benefiting approximately for 150 tenders being in clear conflict of interest.

A few weeks ago, the Constitutional Court accepted the request of the Democratic Party to be an interested party in the matter. PD accused Kokëdhima for benefit public funds in a time that has been the Deputy.

Democratic Party told the court that Mr. Kokëdhima violated the Constitution by public funds benefited from contracts concluded by the company, which he owned until several months after receiving the mandate.

MP Koco Kokëdhima talking to the media after the hearing in the Constitutional Court decided not expressed on the issue of its mandate, which it said has left to the court to whose decision has full confidence.

"On this issue I think should not pronounce on me and I want to quit completely in the hands of the court, since I have full confidence in the justice system and that this issue will take a final solution," said Kokëdhima.

Δράσεις κατά της αναζωπύρωσης του αλβανικού ανθελληνισμού

Δευτέρα 9 Μαΐου 2016, 11:48

Όλοι θυμόμαστε την ανθελληνική στροφή της κυβέρνησης Έντι Ράμα που επισφραγίστηκε το 2014 με την ποινική δίωξη κατά του τότε Υπουργού Εξωτερικών της Αλβανίας αλλά και ολόκληρης της διαπραγματευτικής ομάδας που συμφώνησε στον προσδιορισμό ΑΟΖ με την Ελλάδα το 2009, με στόχο την ακύρωση της συγκεκριμένης διευθέτησης. Αυτό δεν θα έπρεπε να εντυπωσιάζει κανέναν σε μία χώρα με σοβαρότατο πρόβλημα εφαρμογής του Κράτους Δικαίου και της ανεξαρτησίας της Δικαιοσύνης, όπως άλλωστε αναγνωρίζει και η κατά τα άλλα φίλα προσκείμενη προς τα Τίρανα «Έκθεση του 2015 για την Αλβανία» που υπερψηφίστηκε στην Ολομέλεια του Ευρωπαϊκού Κοινοβουλίου τον Απρίλιο.

Η τροπή που έχει λάβει ο ανθελληνισμός της αλβανικής κυβέρνησης όμως δεν σταματάει εκεί. Απεναντίας, βρίσκει συνεχώς αφορμές να εκδηλωθεί το τελευταίο διάστημα, προς ικανοποίηση των εθνικιστικών αλλά και των ισλαμιστικών στοιχείων που φαίνεται να κυριαρχούν στην πολιτική ζωή των Τιράνων. Όλοι θυμόμαστε πέρυσι το καλοκαίρι την αίσθηση που είχε προκαλέσει η κατεδάφιση -νύχτα- του ιερού ναού του Αγίου Αθανασίου στο χωριό Δρυμμάδες του Δήμου Χειμάρρας με απόφαση των αλβανικών αρχών. Τώρα έρχεται και νέα απόφαση σε βάρος του ελληνικού πληθυσμού της περιοχής: η κυβέρνηση της Αλβανίας ακυρώνει τίτλους ιδιοκτησίας για τη γη που κατέχουν 123 Ελληνικές οικογένειες. Η προκλητική αυτή απόφαση κάνει λόγο για δήθεν παρατυπίες στους τίτλους αυτούς και ζητάει από τον Δήμο Χειμάρρας την ακύρωσή τους. Οι τίτλοι αυτοί είχαν εκδοθεί το 1994 με βάση τον νόμο 7501 και περιελάμβαναν αγροτεμάχια με έκταση από 100 τ.μ. έως 10.000 τ.μ.. Καταλαβαίνει λοιπόν κανείς το μέγεθος της έκτασης γης που έρχεται το αλβανικό κράτος να υφαρπάξει παράνομα από τους Έλληνες κατοίκους των Δρυμμάδων και την κλιμάκωση του ανθελληνισμού που δρομολογείται στην Αλβανία.

Δυστυχώς, η προαναφερθείσα Έκθεση του Ευρωκοινοβουλίου, ενώ αναγνωρίζει το πρόβλημα σεβασμού της ιδιωτικής περιουσίας στην Αλβανία, αλλά και τις ανεπάρκειες που παρατηρούνται στη νομική προστασία των μειονοτήτων, ουδεμία αναφορά κάνει στο φλέγον ζήτημα της Ελληνικής Εθνικής Μειονότητας της Βορείου Ηπείρου, που υφίστανται την εκστρατεία αφελληνισμού που ενορχηστρώνει η κυβέρνηση Ράμα. Προσωπικά, κατήγγειλα την καταπίεση της Ελληνικής Εθνικής Μειονότητας της Βορείου Ηπείρου τόσο με Γραπτή Ερώτηση προς την Ύπατη Εκπρόσωπο της Ε.Ε. για θέματα Εξωτερικής Πολιτικής και Πολιτικής Ασφάλειας Φεντερίκα Μογκερίνι, όσο και από το βήμα της Ολομέλειας της Ευρωβουλής στο Στρασβούργο στις 13 Απριλίου, όπου επεσήμανα το ζήτημα στον Αυστριακό Επίτροπο κ. Χαν.

Στην ίδια Ολομέλεια είχα την ευκαιρία να θέσω και το ζήτημα της διαχείρισης των προσφυγικών ροών, καθώς η κυβέρνηση Ράμα, κλείνοντας τα σύνορα, παραβιάζει την Συνθήκη της Γενεύης του 1951 για το Καθεστώς των Προσφύγων, αλλά και την πρόσφατη Συμφωνία της 25ης Οκτωβρίου 2015 που έχει συνάψει με χώρες της Ε.Ε. για τη μεταναστευτική διαδρομή των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων, πλήττοντας άμεσα τα εθνικά συμφέροντα της Πατρίδας μας. Πρέπει να επισημανθεί, ότι την απόφαση αυτή στήριξε παράνομα και η Ιταλία η οποία, μετά από επίσκεψη του Υπουργού Εσωτερικών Αντζελίνο Αλφάνο στα Τίρανα τον Μάρτιο, αποφάσισε να στείλει ομάδες Ιταλών συνοριοφυλάκων να περιπολούν την Αλβανική μεθόριο με την Ελλάδα, προσβάλλοντας έτσι την καλόπιστη συνεργασία μεταξύ κρατών-μελών της Ευρωπαϊκής Ένωσης. Στην διαδικασία σφραγίσματος της βαλκανικής διαδρομής είχε προηγηθεί φυσικά η Αυστρία, η οποία, ενθυμούμενη τα περασμένα μεγαλεία της Αυστρο-ουγγρικής αυτοκρατορίας που είχε συνήθειο να αναμειγνύεται στα ζητήματα της Βαλκανικής χερσονήσου, διοργάνωσε σύσκεψη στις 24 Φεβρουαρίου με τις χώρες των Δυτικών Βαλκανίων ώστε να συντονίσει τις δράσεις των κυβερνήσεών τους στη διαχείριση του προσφυγικού ζητήματος. Δυστυχώς, η αρνητική για την Ελλάδα υποστήριξη των αλβανικών θέσεων επιβεβαιώθηκε και κατά την επίσκεψη της Ύπατης Εκπροσώπου της Ε.Ε. στα Τίρανα στις αρχές Μαρτίου, καθώς η κυρία Μογκερίνι προτίμησε να σιωπήσει μπροστά στις προκλήσεις της κυβέρνησης Ράμα, με γνώμονα την ευρω-ατλαντική πολιτική ένταξης των Τιράνων.

Την στάση αυτή των αλβανικών αρχών και όσων την στηρίζουν κατήγγειλα επανειλημμένα στην Ευρωβουλή, υπενθυμίζοντας ταυτόχρονα ότι «ουδείς πιο αχάριστος του ευεργετηθέντος» καθώς οι Αλβανοί, μετά την κατάρρευση του καθεστώτος Χότζα, πέρασαν ανενόχλητοι κατά χιλιάδες τα Ελληνικά σύνορα, φιλοξενήθηκαν στην Πατρίδα μας για χρόνια, δούλεψαν στην Ελλάδα και έκαναν περιουσίες. Αυτά όμως τα ξέχασαν γρήγορα και εύκολα. Αυτά επισήμανα στον κύριο Χαν αλλά και στην κυρία Μογκερίνι προς την οποία κατέθεσα Γραπτή Ερώτηση στις 29 Μαρτίου, στην οποία της επισημαίνω αντί να κάνει διπλωματικό τουρισμό στα Τίρανα, να λάβει άμεσα μέτρα ώστε να αναγκάσει την Αλβανία να συμμορφωθεί με τις διεθνείς της υποχρεώσεις. Τέλος, γι’ αυτό καταψήφισα στην Ευρωβουλή την προαναφερθείσα «Έκθεση του 2015 για την Αλβανία», που ενισχύει την αυθαιρεσία της αλβανικής ηγεσίας.

Εάν δεν θέλει να βρεθεί η Ελλάδα προ τετελεσμένων, τόσο στο προσφυγικό μέτωπο, όσο και στο ζήτημα της Ελληνικής Εθνικής Μειονότητας της Βορείου Ηπείρου -που απειλείται με αφανισμό- το Υπουργείο Εξωτερικών οφείλει να κινηθεί πιο αποφασιστικά, καθώς μέχρι στιγμής έχει να επιδείξει μόνο κάποια χλιαρά διαβήματα, εν είδει αντιδράσεων. Ήδη από τον Φεβρουάριο έχω προτείνει την επιβολή Οικονομικού Εμπάργκο από την Ελλάδα στις όμορες χώρες που κλείνουν τα σύνορα τους στις προσφυγικές ροές, δηλαδή στα Σκόπια και στην Αλβανία, αντιδρώντας αποφασιστικά σε κάθε προσπάθεια υπονόμευσης των Ελληνικών θέσεων στην Ευρώπη.

Οι προτάσεις και οι δράσεις μας κατά των ανθελληνικών ενεργειών της Αλβανίας θα συνεχιστούν. Στον αγώνα αυτό απαιτούμε μια πιο αποφασιστική Ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική διότι η κατάσταση βαίνει προς το χειρότερο.

Τελευταίο ακραίο παράδειγμα της αλβανικής εξαλότητας αποτελούν οι πρόσφατες κατεδαφίσεις ελληνικών σπιτιών στα χωριά Δρυμμάδες και Βουνό της Χειμάρρας. Φτάνει πιά. Ως εδώ και μη παρέκει.

Nότης Μαριάς, Ανεξάρτητος Ευρωβουλευτής, Επικεφαλής του Πολιτικού Κινήματος Αντιμνημονιακοί Πολίτες, Καθηγητής Θεσμών Ε.Ε στο Πανεπιστήμιο Κρήτης

Kapja e përfaqësuesve politikë të minoritetit grek dhe identiteti i tij etnik i rrezikuar

Postuar në 08 Maj, 2016
Panajot Barka

Para do kohësh drejtuesi i opozitës sllavomaqedonase akuzoi nominalisht, politikanë të rendësishëm shqiptarë në ish - Republikën Jugosllave të Maqenonisë për bashkëpunim me struktura shtetërore sekrete dhe publike të shtetit fqinj për interesa personale, politike dhe ekonomike.

Kjo akuzë nxiti analizën për një kapje të ngjashme ndër vite të përfaqësuesve politikë të minoritetit etnik grek në Shqipëri, por në dëm të interesave të këtij minoriteti. Për vërtetimin e kapjes së përfaqësuesve të minoritetit nuk do të sjellim të  njëjtat mjete (përgjime), por një qasje tjetër. Do të ballafaqojmë nga njëra anë realitetin diskriminues shumëplanësh të minoritetit etnik grek, zhbërjen e tij demografike dhe ekonomike, edhe në zonat me popullsi kompakte, fragmentarizimin dhe përjashtimin i këtij minoriteti nga vemendja politike, ekonomike e shtetit dhe e organizmave ndërkombëtare. Nga ana tjetër qëndron, mbijetesa politike e përfaqësuesve politikë të minoritetit etnik grek, jo me votat e tij, por si “dëshirë” e strukturave politike shqiptare, shtimi pa fre i pasurisë së tyre dhe sfumimi në progresion gjeometrik i përpjekjeve të tyre për mbrojtjen e të drejtave të minoritetit. Ky realitet përbën treguesin më kokëfortë të kapjes së tyre.

 Shembujt në vijim nuk janë thjeshtë vërtetues të kësaj kapjeje, i përmasave dhe kohëzgjatjes së saj, por edhe të arsyeve dhe synimeve pse ajo ndodh.

 Një grup të rinjsh nga minoriteti, zotërojnë dokumente që vërtetojnë se vetëm në zonat me popullsi kompakte minoritare në rrethet Sarandë e Delvinë janë tjetërsuar me dokumente të falsifikuara, me vendime gjyqësore të manipuluara dhe në shkelje të ligjit, apo me vendime të ngjashme të strukturave të tjera të shtetit, 220 mijë dynimë tokë në përkatësi të këtij komuniteti. Me këtë mekanizëm këto sipërfaqe iu kthyen gjasme ish- pronarëve pa asnjë lloj lidhjeje me minoritetin grek. (Për 120 mijë dynym posedohen dosjet konkrete të shkeljeve dhe abuzimeve ligjore dhe për 100 mijë të tjera procesi është në vijim). Në aspektin social, politik e historik fenomeni duhet konsideruar si neootomanizim i këtyre krahinave minoritare greke. Kjo pasi dokumentat, të falsifikuara ose jo, ku mbështetet tjetërsimi i pronësisë, e kanë origjinën në Perandorinë Otomane. Bëhet fjalë për pretendime që zënë fill të paktën që pas shekullit të 16të, atëherë kur pushteti islamik i Perandorisë u rrëmbente me dhunë tokën të krishterëve që nuk pranonin të ndërronin fenë, për të shpërblyer ata që myslimanizoheshin dhe viheshin në shërbim të perandorisë. Neootomanizimi po ndodh pa zhurmë dhe me një tolerim civil dhe institucional në të gjithë Shqipërinë, por në rastin e minoritetit grek fenomeni lidhet esencialisht me ruajtjen e identitetit etnik të tij. Aq më keq kur faktet vërtetojnë se nuk kemi të bëjmë me “trashëgimtarë” të drejtpërdrejtë të ardhur nga shekujt (gjë që s’mund të ndodhë), por me individë që zotërojnë sot pushtet politik, ose kanë suport politik për të abuzuar dhe shkelur ligjin.

Nga ana tjetër evidentohet fakti drithërues se këtë proces tjetërsues pronash të minoritetit e toleroi dhe e favorizoi që më 1998-99 kryetari i tanishëm i PBDNj-së, atëherë i OMONOIA-s, Vangjel Dule dhe ata që e pasuan, si V. Bollano e deri më sot. Dule sabotoi atëherë protestën masive dhe politike të komunitetit të minoritetit etnik grek kundër këtij fenomeni e që ishte në fillimet e veta. Protesta kërkonte në thelb ndalimin e procesit të neootomanizimit të këtij minoriteti por edhe të të gjithë vendit.

Në aspektin juridik dihet se asnjë titull pronësie e kësaj kategorie nuk mund të fitohet pa miratimin e përfaqësuesve të pushtetit vendor. Drejtuesit e pushtetit vendor në zonat e minoritetetit, përgjithësisht përfaqësues të PBDNj-së dhe OMONIA-s, jo vetëm që nuk bën rezistencë, jo vetëm që hodhën firmat e tyre aprovuese për këto tjetërsime, por ka raste që dolën edhe dëshimitarë të rremë në favor të këtyre grabitqarëve.

Po ashtu, për aq kohë sa ishin drejtues lokal këta përfaqësues, askush nga gjasme ish - pronarët nuk pretendonte njohjen faktike “të pronës”. Sapo ata u larguan nga drejtimi i pushtetit vendor, “ish -pronarët” nxituan për të vënë hunjtë “e pronës” së tyre.  Madje, në Livadhja, në Kulluricë, në Kostar, në Radat e gjetkë po bëhen të dhunshëm. U kërkojnë minoritarëve të largohen dhe nga shtëpitë e tyre, pasi, sipas pretendimeve të tyre, i kanë ndërtuar në “pronën” e tyre. Në Kostar të Delvinës disa individë, me tolerimin e drejtuesve vendorë të minoritetit dhe organeve shtetërore, rrethuan me dhunë 120 hektarë tokë pronë të fshatit. Tani kërcënojnë banorët e tij se do t’i përdhunojnë nëse nuk heqin dorë nga kërkesa për zbatimin e ligjit. Në Radat këta tipa pronaresh u kërkojnë vendasve minoritarë gratë në këmbim të lejes për të kullotur bagëtitë në tokat që me ligj janë të tyre.

Për kapjen e përfaqësueve të minoritetit flet edhe fakti që për mëse 20 vjet PBDNj, është pjesëmarrëse në qeveritë alternative të vendit, por nuk ka bërë asnjë përpjekje për ndalimin e këtyre shkeljeve të drejtash kapitale të minoritetit grek. Nga ana tjetër drejtuesit e pushtetit vendor të minoritetit, bashkëfajtorë për këtë situatë, elaborohen nga udhëheqja e kësaj partie. Po ashtu, udhëheqja e re e OMONIA-s është produkt i mbështetjes nga të gjithë këta drejtues në komunat e bashkitë e minoritetit. Fakti që edhe ajo nuk denoncon asnjë nga këto vendime abuzive të organeve shtetërore ndaj qindra mijë dynim tokash të grabitura minoritetit dhe asnjë nga këta drejtues e kompromonton keqas edhe atë. 

Në periudhën që Shqipëria ratifikonte konvendën kuadër të KiE për mbrojtjen e minoriteteve, (1999-2001), e cila i jep një rëndësi të madhe njësive territotriale me popullsi kompakte minoritare, OMONIA dhe PBDNj, dolën me vendimin e heqjes dorë nga zonat me popullsi kompakte minoritare greke. E bënë këtë në emër gjasme të realitetit të ri të mbrojtjes individuale të të drejtave të njeriut dhe jo si komunitet. (E kundërta duhej të ndodhte.)

Argumenti tjetër i liderit politik të minoritetit për këtë vendim, lidhet me krijimin e një klime të favorshme për të drejtat e himarjotëve që pranonin kombësinë greke. Por çfarë ndodhi realisht?! Ky vendim i hapi rrugën e regjistrimit në zonat me popullsi homogjene minoritare greke gati një mijë familjeve me kombësi shqiptare. Këto regjistrime u kryen me ndërgjegje nga drejtuesit lokalë të minoritetit etnik grek, gjë që në kushtet e emigrimit masiv të minoritarëve, përbën një tjetërsim të frikshëm demografik në këto zona. Aliko, Vrioni, Çuka, Finiqi, Mesopotami, Livadhja dhe vendbanime të tjera ndryshuan totalisht strukturën demografike. Përpos kësaj, fenomeni u shoqërua me dhënien e lejeve për blerje tokash dhe investime nga firma e kompani me pronarë shqiptarë. (Fenomeni është me intensiv në pjesët më jetike të kompaktësisë së minoritetit!!) Po ashtu, në këto zona, por më shumë në Himarë u zbatua një mekanizëm i ri tjetërsimi të pronës. U projektuan vendime për kthim pronash që favorizonin gjasëm minoritarët grekë. Në fakt këto prona (toka) u jepeshin minoritarëve grekë me kusht që ato t’u shiteshin më vonë (me çmim të paracaktuar) personave konkretë me kombësi shqiptare dhe shumë afër politikaneve të lartë. Skema zbatohej në dijeninë dhe me vullnetin e përfaqësuesve të minoritetit. Në denoncimin e kryeministrit Rama se janë tjetërsuar mbi 50 mijë hektarë tokë në zonën e Bregdetit nga qeveria e Sali Berishës, përmbahet edhe kjo skemë.

Të njëjtit qëllim i shërbeu prishja selektive (sipas përkatësisë etnike dhe politike) të objekteve pa leje në zonën e Himarës. Por asnjë reagim serioz nuk erdhi  nga drejtuesit politikë minoritarë grek, ashtu siç po ndodh tani me shpronësimin në kundërshtim me ligjin në Dhermi të mbi 120 banorëve të atjeshëm.

Politikanët minoritarë grekë nuk reagojnë as ndaj situatës energjitike në zonat e minoritetit. Minoritarët grekë janë paguesit më të rregullt të energjisë, por kanë sistemin më të keq të mundshëm furnizimi me energji elektrike në vend. (Zhyten në errësirë veçanërisht në ditë festash). Nuk reagojnë as për faktin se bizneset në minoritetin grek punojnë në kushtet e konkurencës së pandershme, pasi atyre u kërkohet korrektesi farmacie ndaj detyrimeve në shtet, ndërkohë që biznese të ngjashme në zona të tjera nuk paguajnë pothuaj fare detyrime ndaj shtetit. As për faktin  se minoritarët janë objekt i të gjitha llojeve të gjobave pasi vetëm ata mund t’i paguajnë.

Buxheti i shtetit parashikon kuota diskriminuese për bashkitë e minoritetit dhe asete zero për mbarëvajtjen ekonomike të tyre etj. Dhe prap nuk ka asnjë reagim politik nga përfaqësuesit e këtij minoriteti.

Pra, kapja e përfaqësuesve politikë të minoritetit etnik grek nga struktura të ndryshme shtetërore, apo dhe strukturave të tjera që shkelin ligjin, është evidente. Në minoritet qarkullon shprehja domëthenëse se dëmi që i shkaktuan atij përfaqësuesit e vet politikë në aspektin e identitetit etnik ia kalon shumë dhe dashakeqit e nacionalistit më të flaktë. Në këtë pikë lind edhe një pyetje tjetër esenciale (në fakt retorike). Përse këto struktura shteti mbajnë këtë qëndrim ndaj minoritetit etnik grek? Përse kërkojnë, qoftë edhe me bashkëpunimin me përfaqësuesit e tij politikë, apo nëpërmjet tyre, ta dobësojnë, ta diskriminojnë, ta margjinalizojnë, apo ta zhbëjnë atë?