Greece, Turkey, the Aegean, and NATO never mixed in a positive, fruitful manner.
25 February 2016
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Greece, since 2015 when the
Tsipras administration came to power, was quickly undermined and
subverted by untold masses of “irregular” undocumented entries. Europe’s
“core,” under the incomprehensible “leadership” of Ms. Merkel, was
quickly immersed in a vituperative war of words with the European
“Union’s” eastern members demanding, in no uncertain terms, an active
defense against the Muslim deluge. Greece, in the far corner of Europe,
simply encouraged such an influx by having as Minister of Immigration
Policy Ms. Tasia Christodolopoulou, an old (ex)-Communist Party member,
who welcomed: “anyone wanting shelter.”
The implications for Greece were severe.
Various estimates put the illegal population in Greece at anywhere from
1.4 to 1.8 million in early 2016. Despite the fact that the Greek
government agreed on establishing Hotspots within its territory, the
future looks worrisome since most Eastern European countries are hastily
concocting plans to turn Greece into an open air storage of unwanted
migrants by blocking one of its members’ northern border with a
non-EU member, (Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia), that is to be
supported and augmented by EU resources to isolate Greece.
Let’s have a deeper insight on what the
prospects are right now. Summer 2016 is closing and the collapse of
tourism in the eastern Greek Aegean islands - a vital foreign exchange
earner for Greece - is around the corner. For example, in Castelorizo, a
small Greek Island of 200 permanent residents, the number immigrants
and refugees reached around 1,000 within one month. Furthermore, we are
already facing serious risks of violent migrant protests on the islands,
with the Greek population facing severe security and personal safety
threats. Moreover, the rapid increase of already swelling Muslim illegal
migrant populations in mainland Greece, especially thanks to the Greek
government’s established tactic of transport-turn-loose-and-forget that
is overwhelming Athens, has already proved catastrophic. As analyzed in other pieces for GIA, many arms’ smugglers and jihadists take advantage of this situation to develop their plans.
Most recently, a half-baked decision of
the Tsipras administration to bring NATO into the desperate effort to
stem the migrant flow into Western Europe was taken. “Isn’t it a good
thing for NATO, a military organization that gets things done, to get
directly involved in battling the human smugglers and save lives, not to
mention help Greece with its humanitarian impasse?”
Unfortunately, well-intentioned queries
such as these miss critical questions associated with such a hurried
decision and the long-term implications for Greece. Let us set aside for
the moment all the confident words of Greece’s “partners” who are happy
to see a NATO naval force coming in to “help,” and let us look at the
facts.
Greece, Turkey, the Aegean, and NATO
never mixed in a positive, fruitful manner. Turkey’s demands for the
abrogation of the Lausanne Treaty, and the apportioning of the
Archipelago to its benefit, have occupied only sub-footnotes in the
Alliance’s deliberations – especially since Lausanne specifically
provides that Turkey has no claims to anything that lies past three nautical miles from its shores. In
practice and definition, therefore, any step that involves NATO
operating on issues related to national sovereignty, rights of innocent
passage, and Turkish claims upon Greek island territories could, and,
most likely will, become hazardous to Greece’s sovereignty.
Since this NATO decision was formed on
the spur of the moment, nobody knows what exactly has been agreed – or
not agreed – on the mission profile, the rules of engagement, and other
“details” that could turn into major issues. Predictably, of course, the
Western press is already in self-congratulatory mode expounding on the
positive load of this maritime patrol which, however, “is not about
stopping or pushing back refugee boats,” as the NATO Secretary General
warned. This impeccably politically correct statement alone is enough
to tell the weary observer that NATO in the Aegean will be wearing
exclusively its “humanitarian” cloak with all the implications of such a
move this involves. (The Italians, through their 2013-14 Mare Nostrum operation,
have already enough experience on how any such maritime mission can
easily turn into ‘a transport company for migrants,’ who see naval ships
as the surest means of entering Europe illegally. Mare Nostrum brought an estimated 150,000 African and Middle Eastern illegals into Italy).
Turkey has supposedly agreed to take
back illegals caught at the beginning of their journey to the Greek
islands. Nevertheless, trusting erratic and increasingly combative
Islamic president Erdogan is not the wisest choice. Turkey’s subversive
behavior and collusion with Islamic fanatics battling the Syrian regime
is naked for all to see, if, of course, those who can, have the courage to observe.
The announced NATO deployment includes
three warships. These are fleet assets designed for completely different
purposes, namely combat in the open seas, anti-air operations, fleet
defense, etc. One cannot but ask the obvious question of what these
ships can accomplish better than the already deployed coast guard
vessels and Frontex resources, both of which are vastly more capable in
operational, maneuvering, and mission-specific terms. The claim that the
NATO ships would provide “better intelligence” is a poorly designed.
However, Turkish human smugglers are experts in their waters, well
connected with Turkish authorities who make a bundle in bribes, and know
the coastline like the back of their hand. Three warships and some
aircraft interdicting dozens of minuscule targets in ways that can cut
the migrant flow down to acceptable levels (if there is such a thing,)
may be a nice tabletop game but, in real maritime terms, is as money
thrown directly into the sea to appease the masses.
This is the worst possible time for
Greece to get involved in the inevitable, renewed “negotiations” with
NATO and Turkey over jurisdiction, the Aegean, and how to approach
constant Turkish challenges and “near war” violations of Greek
territorial zones in both the air and the sea. These are issues on which
NATO and the EU are silent for obvious reasons. But, like a thorn
waiting to stab, these questions will surface the minute Turkey begins to object on this or that aspect of the NATO operation claiming that its “interests” are harmed, as it will certainly do.
With its economy broken, its banks all
but extinguished, its people in uproar over increasing pressures from
the creditors, its society in an uncontrolled downward spiral, its
cities and towns soon to be overwhelmed by despairing Muslim aliens, its
political “elites” involved in partisan cockfights and irrelevant
personal squabbling, and the country’s administration moronic and
dysfunctional, Greece now has to deal with NATO’s latest “stability”
gift.
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